Protestantismo em Revista, volume 09 (Ano 05, n.1) - Faculdades EST

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Revista Eletrônica do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisa do Protestantismo (NEPP) da Escola Superior de TeologiaVolume 09, jan.-abr. de 2006 – ISSN 1678 6408new subject has only been introduced because of external pressure. The architectsbehind the subject point to inspiration coming from UNESCO but emphasize alsoEgypt’s own legacy of community-transcending ethical thinking. Indicative of thisaim, textbooks picture Muslims and Christians in solidarity, in common defense oftheir homeland.The problem is that textbooks for Islamic Education (and to some extent,Christian Education textbooks) still reproduce anti-Jewish stereotypes. In a fourthgrade textbook for Islamic Education, the pupils read: “The Jews are certainlydeceitful. They didn’t respect the pacts between them and the Muslims, or the rightsof the neighbour. The Muslims, however, keep the pacts and have always goodrelations with their neighbours.” In general, textbooks demonstrate the stronginterrelation between national and religious issues in Egyptian curricula. In a sectionabout the benefits of the month of Ramadan, a direct line is drawn from the firstMuslims’ historic victory over the idolaters at Badr to Egypt’s successful OctoberWar against the Jewish state of Israel in 1973.It is not difficult to understand the political context of such statements: it ishard to tolerate a political enemy (Israel) that is widely seen to have infringed uponthe fundamental rights of Arabs and Muslims. But calling for Muslim-Christianfriendship at the cost not only of Israelis but of “Jews” clearly contradicts a type ofsolidarity that protects vulnerable individuals irrespective of their political andreligious affiliation. For the same reason, conservative alliances in the West betweenJews and Christians against radical Muslims should not be called solidarity.Solidarity in Dussel’s necessitates that the excluding nature of currentidentity politics is unmasked, also when it comes in the form of Muslim-Christian orChristian-Jewish alliances. As the example shows, those who are not present in theclassroom are more vulnerable to exclusion than the others.Disponível na Internet: http://www3.est.edu.br/nepp 88
Revista Eletrônica do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisa do Protestantismo (NEPP) da Escola Superior de TeologiaVolume 09, jan.-abr. de 2006 – ISSN 1678 6408To mend these unfortunate aspects of Egyptian textbooks, one needs not tocall upon Uncle Sam. Bringing alive the legacy of Egyptian Muslim intellectuals whotwo generations ago wrote inclusively on the concept of conscience and its impliedbond of solidarity, would probably have a better effect.ConclusionSumming up the educational vision underlying my presentation, I wouldsuggest that teaching for tolerance implies calling on the pupils’ consciences, helpingthem to learn faith-transcending solidarity. This understanding implies thatindividual consciences – when called upon in a multireligious context – may form anew kind of moral community that challenges traditional limits to tolerance set bythe religions. If pupils of different faiths and backgrounds become united by thebond of conscience across religious divides, will they still accept traditionalinequalities in rights and opportunities between different religious groups, betweenbelievers and unbelievers, between men and women?If successful, conscience-based tolerance education may gradually lay theground for interfaith solidarity. But that can probably only happen if pupils areallowed to face one another when learning religion and ethics and discussing religioustolerance in school. In that perspective, countries that do not even allow teachingreligion in school (such as US and France), must be willing to revise their policies,just as much as those countries who do teach religion in the classroom must bewilling to revise their curricula – in conformity with globalized ideals.Disponível na Internet: http://www3.est.edu.br/nepp 89
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