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Rousseau and Revolution

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42 <strong>Rousseau</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong><br />

seem to crouch with envy – does to human relationships. This is precisely<br />

the culture of dependence that <strong>Rousseau</strong> condemns but here theorized not<br />

through imagining what Karl Marx later called the fi rst moment of primitive<br />

accumulation but through its extenuation in global relations created<br />

through colonization <strong>and</strong> enslavement.<br />

Fanon offers a phenomenological portrait of both sides, of what it means<br />

to see oneself as bringing values <strong>and</strong> civilization to outposts <strong>and</strong> backwaters,<br />

as making history, creating an epoch, embodying an absolute beginning<br />

<strong>and</strong> what, in contrast, it means to be treated as ‘a negation of’ or ‘the enemy’<br />

of values, to be a deforming element that is thought to disfi gure all that is<br />

beautiful or moral; what it is to be the telos toward which others hope to<br />

move, defi ning the terms of their development <strong>and</strong> what, in contrast, it is to<br />

be referred to in zoological terms, as reptilic, stinking <strong>and</strong> gesticulating<br />

within what many think would, if left uninterrupted, have remained a prehistorical<br />

vacuum (Fanon, 1963, 41). How would these Manichean poles<br />

meet to discuss anything shared? The thought of the possibility is patently<br />

absurd. To sustain such a situation of disparity requires the bayonet not the<br />

ballot or collective deliberation in which one can trust that others may better<br />

underst<strong>and</strong> what avowed institutional principles intend.<br />

Fanon adds insight to <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s claim on the one h<strong>and</strong> that there is no<br />

right to slavery <strong>and</strong> that the slave is right to escape as soon as he can <strong>and</strong><br />

on the other that slavery creates ‘natural’ slaves or habituates people to a<br />

set of conditions that make their legitimate escape extremely diffi cult to<br />

achieve. While underscoring the form <strong>and</strong> nature of these constraints, that<br />

one risks death <strong>and</strong> humiliation if one aims to challenge the coordinates of<br />

a Manichean world, Fanon writes that the ‘native admits no accusation,’<br />

that he is ‘overpowered but not tamed,’ ‘treated as an inferior but not convinced<br />

of his inferiority’ (ibid., 53). He lives in a permanent dream to<br />

switch places, with the basic insight that ‘the showdown [between the colonizer<br />

<strong>and</strong> colonized] cannot be put off indefi nitely’ (ibid.). Until such<br />

time, however, members of the colonized community do live with an anger<br />

that is perpetually lit. The explosions are inevitable but the targets the<br />

undeserving <strong>and</strong> the battles ultimately displaced. In addition, the colonized<br />

easily forget how fundamentally unstable the power of the colonizers<br />

ultimately must be.<br />

Unlike <strong>Rousseau</strong>, however, integral to Fanon’s theory is an account of<br />

how people struggle through such conditions toward a legitimate alternative<br />

of how people refuse complete habituation <strong>and</strong> seek to become the kinds<br />

of subjects that can create the polities they deserve. Fanon emphasizes,<br />

without romance, what is involved. He writes,

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