Rousseau and Revolution
Rousseau and Revolution
Rousseau and Revolution
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<strong>Rousseau</strong> <strong>and</strong> the Terror 59<br />
violence will continue to haunt the Social Contract (<strong>Rousseau</strong>, 1988b, Book I,<br />
chapters 1–4 <strong>and</strong> 11).<br />
<strong>Rousseau</strong> next addresses the two post-contractual issues over which violence<br />
may appear: how to preserve association <strong>and</strong> what threatens it. The<br />
contract is internally binding on those within it, <strong>and</strong> force may be used to<br />
make members of the social body comply. Although the sovereign body<br />
cannot ‘want to harm’ any citizen, a kind of supervisory violence can be<br />
used to enforce the contract. It is here that <strong>Rousseau</strong> makes his infamous<br />
statement that ‘anyone who refuses to obey the general will shall be compelled<br />
to do so by the entire body [ . . . ] he will be forced to be free.’<br />
Related to this supervisory violence intended to preserve the body politic is<br />
the self-sacrifi cial violence the state can ask its citizens to undertake. One<br />
must ‘fi ght if necessary for the homel<strong>and</strong>’, which involves ‘certain risks,<br />
even certain losses’. In a sense one is fi ghting for oneself as a member of the<br />
polity, but again, such sacrifi cial violence is subordinate to supervisory force<br />
(ibid., Book I, chapter 7 <strong>and</strong> Book II, chapters 4–5).<br />
On the fringes, as it were, of this state violence is the ever-present possibility<br />
of subversive or destabilizing violence that threatens to disestablish the<br />
fundamental association. The body politic can ‘annihilate itself’ by undoing<br />
its most basic, constitutive contract. This self-annihilation need not be<br />
accomplished by bloodshed – the sovereign may will its own disestablishment<br />
– yet it is easy to read liquidation as a kind of violence. More likely,<br />
though, an individual’s ‘power to harm others’, prohibited by the contract,<br />
will reappear. With respect to the body politic, a ‘wrongdoer’ becomes a<br />
‘rebel <strong>and</strong> traitor to his country’ <strong>and</strong> can be executed as an enemy according<br />
to the laws of war. Supervisory <strong>and</strong> sacrifi cial violence thus combine in<br />
the use of force to preserve sovereignty against violence that may subvert or<br />
destabilize it.<br />
The issues of supervisory <strong>and</strong> subversive violence converge when <strong>Rousseau</strong><br />
turns in Book II to ‘the people’ <strong>and</strong> the possibility of a foundational violence<br />
that accompanies establishment, even though he has to some extent<br />
excluded this possibility in Book I. The well-known passage introduces the<br />
ambiguous combination of the revolutionary birth of a new order with<br />
death-courting violence that would occupy thinkers from De Maistre to<br />
Marx to Arendt. Describing the interaction between the lawgiver <strong>and</strong> the<br />
people, <strong>Rousseau</strong> writes that, although it is best that a ‘young’ nation be<br />
shaped by a fundamental law:<br />
[T]here are, sometimes, in the life of a state, violent epochs when revolutions<br />
do to peoples what certain crises do to individuals, when the horror