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Rousseau and Revolution

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Arbitrariness <strong>and</strong> Freedom 77<br />

an arbitrary choice. Crucial to this process is the introduction of the structure<br />

of ‘civil society’ <strong>and</strong> its fundamental distinction from the ‘state’. As we<br />

have seen, in the early Jena years (1805–7) Hegel sees the French <strong>Revolution</strong><br />

as the world-historical upheaval that expresses the exploding force of<br />

the will’s arbitrariness <strong>and</strong> individuality but also gives birth to the fi rst modern<br />

nation state in world history. Starting from 1818–19 Hegel assigns to<br />

‘civil society’ the function of absorbing, justifying <strong>and</strong> giving free actuality<br />

to the will’s individuality <strong>and</strong> arbitrariness, thereby characterizing the social<br />

<strong>and</strong> political world proper to modernity. In structuring this sphere of ethical<br />

life, Hegel does not look at <strong>Rousseau</strong> but at the Scottish political economists<br />

– at Adam Smith in particular (see Nuzzo, 2009).<br />

Civil society is the sphere of the market <strong>and</strong> of the economic activity of<br />

individuals who are placed in a net of social interactions <strong>and</strong> are guided by<br />

utilitarian interests <strong>and</strong> aims. We have here the justifi cation <strong>and</strong> legitimization<br />

of those aspects of individuality <strong>and</strong> arbitrariness that haunt the actual<br />

democratic functioning of a society based on <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s general will<br />

because they can neither be accommodated within it nor can they be eliminated<br />

in their difference from the general will. 9 Hegel’s point is that the<br />

sphere of civil society is systematically distinct from the state <strong>and</strong> its relations<br />

should not be confused with political relations – to reduce the state to<br />

civil society amounts, for Hegel as for <strong>Rousseau</strong>, to dissolving the political<br />

unity. And yet, civil society with its self-interested individualism constitutes<br />

a necessary moment of ethical life, the necessary condition for the individual<br />

to become citoyen or a member of the state capable of a truly universal<br />

will. On Hegel’s view, in the modern world the arbitrariness of the individual<br />

will cannot be suppressed but must fi nd a legitimate sphere within ethical<br />

life. Individuality needs to be given free rein in order to be formed <strong>and</strong><br />

educated to the universality of ethical life required by the higher commitments<br />

proper to the state. This is indeed the lesson that the French <strong>Revolution</strong><br />

has taught with regard to <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s ideas (suggestions are in Schmidt,<br />

1998, 26). Since the arbitrariness of the individual will cannot be cancelled,<br />

if it is not given an independent <strong>and</strong> legitimate sphere of activity, it<br />

emerges at the level of the state disintegrating the ethical whole. In this<br />

sense <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s general will is still only individual. Terror – or tyranny –<br />

becomes then an unavoidable political consequence.<br />

Hegel introduces the sphere of ‘civil society’ by describing the action that<br />

takes place within it as the convergence of two principles. On the one h<strong>and</strong>,<br />

the agent is a particular, ‘concrete person’, characterized by a totality of<br />

needs, natural feelings <strong>and</strong> arbitrary volitions. This person, observes Hegel,<br />

st<strong>and</strong>s in relation to other particular individuals <strong>and</strong> it is only through these

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