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Rousseau and Revolution

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Introduction 9<br />

interpretation of <strong>Rousseau</strong>. Just about any anti-revolutionary or conservative<br />

thinker will tend to repeat Edmund Burke’s claim that the revolution<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Terror was the legitimate <strong>and</strong> necessary child of <strong>Rousseau</strong> whereas<br />

the positive readings of the revolution <strong>and</strong>/or <strong>Rousseau</strong> have either<br />

affi rmed or denied the authorship, making the latter, one could argue, the<br />

more interesting interpretation because it has something to investigate <strong>and</strong><br />

debate, not just something to proof <strong>and</strong> criticize.<br />

It could be argued that only a paradoxical political philosophy can have<br />

such a central <strong>and</strong> thorough-going role in a political revolution as had<br />

<strong>Rousseau</strong>’s philosophy in the French revolution, given that, as Swenson puts<br />

it, ‘a radical transformation of ideas, the revolution needed to negate its own<br />

origins even as it constructed its legitimacy on their basis’ (Swenson, 2000,<br />

16). It should be added that a long tradition in the reception of <strong>Rousseau</strong>,<br />

going from Ernst Cassirer to Robert Derathé <strong>and</strong> fi nally Blaise Bachofen,<br />

rejects this paradoxality <strong>and</strong> emphasizes the coherence of <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s philosophy<br />

(with Bachofen’s words (Bachofen, 2002, 19), <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s coherence<br />

is a ‘systematism without system’ 1 ). On the other h<strong>and</strong>, this very connection<br />

is a topic in the history of Western political thought, <strong>and</strong> that in a highly<br />

polemical way. As Bourg points out in the beginning of his article, the struggle<br />

about <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s infl uence has been a part of the cold war.<br />

To put it in other words (in order to resume): Robert Derathé, in the<br />

avertissement to Jean-Jacques <strong>Rousseau</strong> et la science politique de son temps (Jean-<br />

Jacques <strong>Rousseau</strong> <strong>and</strong> the political science of his times) mentions ‘this treatise<br />

[The Social Contract] which hitherto has caused more polemics than<br />

patient investigations’ (Derathé, 1988, 2). Now, what one might do is to<br />

make a ‘patiente recherche’ about the ‘polémique’. This ‘polémique’,<br />

however, is of double kind. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, there is the ‘polémique’ about<br />

<strong>Rousseau</strong>’s ideas, that is, a polemic about whether <strong>Rousseau</strong> was right or<br />

wrong, but in which the positions changed, according as <strong>Rousseau</strong> was considered<br />

to be liberal, socialist or something else. Nygaard shows in his article<br />

how this discussion was developed in Denmark in the nineteenth<br />

century. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, there is the ‘polémique’ about <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s infl uence,<br />

a polemic displayed between liberals, conservatives <strong>and</strong> socialists<br />

mainly in the twentieth century.<br />

<strong>Revolution</strong> <strong>and</strong> History<br />

The word revolution in its political context used to refer to the revolving<br />

cycle of regime types but in the decades surrounding the French <strong>Revolution</strong> –<br />

<strong>and</strong> accelerating within the revolution – it came increasingly to mean not the

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