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Rousseau and Revolution

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12 <strong>Rousseau</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong><br />

highlights the peculiarity of republicanism, <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s included, being ‘as<br />

much a way of life as a form of government’ (ibid.). This makes the political<br />

task both political-institutional <strong>and</strong> cultural-educational, <strong>and</strong> Swenson<br />

shows how refl ections on political culture ‘conducive to the cultivation of<br />

the capacity of self-government’ (ibid.) permeate <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s work. Foundation<br />

of a republic is also cultivation of mores. <strong>Rousseau</strong> had a keen sense of<br />

this <strong>and</strong> it informs his study of existing societies <strong>and</strong> his recommendations<br />

to their transformation as evident in the writings on Corsica <strong>and</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong> or<br />

his remarks on the resilient capacity of the Jews. In political theoretical<br />

terms this leads <strong>Rousseau</strong>, according to Swenson, to place himself between<br />

two positions often alleged in political philosophy by Constant, Isaiah Berlin<br />

<strong>and</strong> others to be mutually exclusive <strong>and</strong> hostile, namely between ‘an<br />

active, participatory liberty <strong>and</strong> a negatively defi ned absence of constraint<br />

on personal prioritization of choices’ (ibid.).<br />

As always, one is tempted to say, <strong>Rousseau</strong> is all his own, transcending or<br />

disturbing the distinctions <strong>and</strong> conceptions of political philosophical consensus.<br />

This makes his work challenging, sometimes confusing, but seldom<br />

boring. <strong>Rousseau</strong> thought <strong>and</strong> wrote before our present concepts <strong>and</strong><br />

ideologies formed <strong>and</strong> one is often led to project ideas <strong>and</strong> policies back<br />

into time to make his thinking comprehensible. This makes for poor analysis<br />

<strong>and</strong>, as the contributions to this book shows, <strong>and</strong> as Swenson demonstrates<br />

in the fi nal chapter, one can gain much more insight by suspending<br />

or critically using our present concepts <strong>and</strong> distinctions, not to name or<br />

classify <strong>Rousseau</strong>, but to show how he escaped easy labelling then <strong>and</strong> how<br />

he still refuses to fi t into any neat <strong>and</strong> tight box.<br />

Conclusion<br />

What all of the arguments, positions <strong>and</strong> conceptions above demonstrate is<br />

that political philosophy for more than 200 years has grappled, combated,<br />

celebrated, debated <strong>and</strong> used <strong>Rousseau</strong>, making him say various things, but<br />

also persistently insisting, whether in agreement or not, that it matters what<br />

<strong>Rousseau</strong> said <strong>and</strong> meant when he posed a question <strong>and</strong> suggested an<br />

answer. This makes a book about <strong>Rousseau</strong> more than just an exercise in<br />

intellectual history. It is always also a meta-refl ection on the conditions of<br />

our society <strong>and</strong> thinking as well as a room in which to contemplate the possibilities<br />

<strong>and</strong> purposes of making the world anew in big <strong>and</strong> small.<br />

We hope with this book to stimulate the seemingly never-ceasing but everexp<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

interest in <strong>Rousseau</strong> <strong>and</strong> to help show how the period in which

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