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Rousseau and Revolution

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66 <strong>Rousseau</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong><br />

traces spirit’s ‘absolute freedom’ back to the Enlightenment’s notion of ‘utility’,<br />

which expresses consciousness’ relation to the world: anything has<br />

meaning only insofar as it serves one’s purposes. In the world of utility,<br />

spirit gains its ‘absolute freedom’ as ‘universal subject’. ‘The world is for it<br />

absolutely its will, <strong>and</strong> this is universal will’. Such will is not an ineffectual<br />

abstraction. It is ‘real universal will’ as the ‘will of all individuals as such’<br />

(Hegel, 1986, 3, 432, my italics). This is Hegel’s rendering of <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s<br />

‘general will’: to constitute itself as real the general will must be the ‘will of<br />

all’ individuals. This is the answer to the problem of the Social Contract: to<br />

bring together what ‘right sanctions’ with what ‘is prescribed by interest, so<br />

that justice <strong>and</strong> utility do not fi nd themselves at odds with one another’<br />

(<strong>Rousseau</strong>, 1997e, Book 1, opening). The problem of the general will has<br />

its root in the diffi culty of reconciling the universality of an action in which<br />

‘what appears to be done by the whole is the direct <strong>and</strong> conscious deed of<br />

each’ (Hegel, 1986, 3, 433) with a utility that can only be the aggregate of<br />

particular contingent utilities. <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s task sounded famously: ‘Find a<br />

form of association which defends <strong>and</strong> protects with all common forces the<br />

person <strong>and</strong> goods of each associate, <strong>and</strong> by means of which each one, while<br />

uniting with all, nevertheless obeys only himself <strong>and</strong> remains as free as<br />

before’ (<strong>Rousseau</strong>, 1997e, Book 1, chapter 6). For Hegel, the revolution<br />

brings to light the tragic outcome of this claim. It shows that the general will<br />

fails to reconcile the dem<strong>and</strong>s of freedom with those of utility; <strong>and</strong> that<br />

instead of rendering the individual free the sovereignty of the general will<br />

achieves only the tyrannical repression of all individuality.<br />

<strong>Rousseau</strong>’s ‘indivisible’ sovereignty (ibid., Book II, chapter 2) triumphs<br />

on the scene of world history. As Hegel announces:<br />

The undivided substance of absolute freedom ascends the throne of the<br />

world’ <strong>and</strong> no power can resist it. For within such substance all inner<br />

articulation is abolished. The old asset of the ancien régime crumbles as the<br />

reconstitution of the Estates Generals into the National Assembly abolishes<br />

the old corporative distinctions. The only form of subsistence is the<br />

absolute substance of the general will. Nothing else subsists as particular:<br />

‘negativity has permeated all its moments’. (Hegel, 1986, 3, 433)<br />

The absolute character of this freedom is the dissolving work of negativity<br />

aimed at all particularity. It follows that individual consciousness can be realized<br />

only to the extent that ‘its end is the universal end, its language is the<br />

universal law’, its work is ‘a work of the whole’ (ibid.) – a work that remains<br />

universal <strong>and</strong> never reaches particularization. Although all particularity of

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