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Rousseau and Revolution

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76 <strong>Rousseau</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong><br />

not become the grounds of public decisions depends on the individual will<br />

<strong>and</strong> on this will only. <strong>Rousseau</strong> recognizes that if some particular interest is<br />

allowed to dominate <strong>and</strong> consolidate itself into associations capable of driving<br />

the decisions of the whole, this leads to factions. In this case, the general<br />

will reverts to a private opinion <strong>and</strong> the political union is dissolved.<br />

Thus, <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s recommendation is that ‘there should be no partial society<br />

in the state’ (<strong>Rousseau</strong>, 1997e, Book II, chapter 3). In fact, there is nothing<br />

that can prevent difference from acquiring a form of existence <strong>and</strong><br />

become the ground of private decisions taken in the name of the whole.<br />

For Hegel the French <strong>Revolution</strong> is the best proof thereof. Based on this<br />

diagnosis, his solution of the problem is to accommodate that resurging<br />

difference <strong>and</strong> to fi nd a legitimate place for associations <strong>and</strong> ‘partial societies’<br />

of private interests not within the state – for here <strong>Rousseau</strong> is right,<br />

this would only dissolve the political unity – but within ‘civil society’.<br />

Arbitrariness in Hegel’s Civil Society<br />

In the Philosophy of Right Hegel’s solution to the problem of arbitrariness in<br />

the social <strong>and</strong> political world is articulated in two parts. First, as argued<br />

above, he overturns <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s position grounding the universality <strong>and</strong><br />

freedom of the will in the substantial universality of the institutions of the<br />

state. Granting the distinction between the organic unity of the ‘general<br />

will’ <strong>and</strong> the aggregate of individuals that is the ‘will of all’, their separation<br />

remains arbitrary if, as in <strong>Rousseau</strong>, the ultimate decision of becoming<br />

‘general’ (or ‘ethical’) is left to Willkür. Hegel’s starting point by contrast is<br />

the systematic <strong>and</strong> historical necessity of the political institutions. In order<br />

to have the kind of volitions proper to <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s general will the state must<br />

be presupposed along with the entire structure <strong>and</strong> inner articulation of ethical<br />

life. As we have seen, for Hegel the content of the ethical will is not<br />

eth ical because it is willed by a general will. As systematic result of the dialectic<br />

development of objective spirit <strong>and</strong> as historical product of the development<br />

of the modern world, the ethical content is objectively actual <strong>and</strong><br />

necessary independently of the will. It is rather by willing the universal content<br />

<strong>and</strong> by fulfi lling the ethical duty of being a member of the state that<br />

the will makes itself universal <strong>and</strong> free.<br />

Second, Hegel construes the dialectical path that allows individuality to<br />

be mediated – formed <strong>and</strong> educated – to the universality <strong>and</strong> freedom of<br />

ethical life. Unlike <strong>Rousseau</strong>, Hegel conceives of objective spirit as a process<br />

in which the will’s individuality <strong>and</strong> universality do not remain separated by

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