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Rousseau and Revolution

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Why <strong>Rousseau</strong> Mistrusts <strong>Revolution</strong>s 23<br />

against Mazarin in 1649. We need to keep in mind that the Duke of Beaufort<br />

was called ‘the king of Les Halles’ (‘Les Halles’ was the former central market<br />

of Paris). This nickname refers to his closeness to the common people<br />

whom he gathered to his side in the struggle against the ruling power. In<br />

this passage <strong>Rousseau</strong> condemns without compunction ‘all the nonsense of<br />

which a clever knave or an insinuating talker could persuade the people of<br />

Paris or London’ (ibid., Book IV, chapter 1). He thus highlights the risk<br />

that popular revolts can readily be made to serve the ambitions of potential<br />

tyrants.<br />

Nor does <strong>Rousseau</strong> approve the second major English revolution of the<br />

seventeenth century, the ‘Glorious <strong>Revolution</strong>’. This revolution, of which<br />

Locke was the theoretician <strong>and</strong> which partially carried out Locke’s program,<br />

did not lead, in <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s eyes, to the establishment of a more legitimate<br />

regime or to the abolition of servitude. Contrary to most eighteenth<br />

century French philosophers, <strong>Rousseau</strong> had no admiration for the English<br />

regime. By contrast, he describes it in harsh terms as a fraud, as a counterfeit<br />

version of the power of the people: ‘The English people thinks it is free;<br />

it is greatly mistaken, it is free only during the election of the Members of<br />

Parliament; as soon as they are elected, it is enslaved, it is nothing’ (ibid.,<br />

Book III, chapter 15).<br />

The Institution of the People<br />

These few remarks by <strong>Rousseau</strong> about revolts <strong>and</strong> revolutions in the modern<br />

era are very illuminating. The real problem, for him, is not to know<br />

whether a people is capable or not of revolting against a tyrannical power.<br />

<strong>Revolution</strong> is only one of the possible means to establish democracy, but<br />

that it is neither necessary nor infallible. The true condition for democracy<br />

is what <strong>Rousseau</strong> calls the ‘institution’ of the people.<br />

This complex notion has two meanings. In the fi rst sense, the institution<br />

of the people is giving them political status, placing them in the situation of<br />

wanting <strong>and</strong> deciding for themselves. This situation, which <strong>Rousseau</strong><br />

describes as the arrival of ‘a nascent people’ (ibid., Book II, chapter 7), is<br />

the result of variable, unpredictable historical circumstances. It could be<br />

(as with the Corsicans <strong>and</strong> the Poles) a war of liberation. It could be (as with<br />

the Hebrews <strong>and</strong> the Romans) the creation, out of a w<strong>and</strong>ering <strong>and</strong> disorganized<br />

group, of a nation guided by a general will. It could also be, as was<br />

the case with the Genevans guided by Calvin, an internal reform through<br />

which people adopt new laws <strong>and</strong> a new form of life. Whatever the case may

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