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Rousseau and Revolution

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Why <strong>Rousseau</strong> Mistrusts <strong>Revolution</strong>s 19<br />

precaution, cowardice or inconsistency? Or, are we victims of a retrospective<br />

illusion, deriving from the symbolic use of <strong>Rousseau</strong> by the French <strong>Revolution</strong>?<br />

Does <strong>Rousseau</strong> have solid <strong>and</strong> substantial reasons to be wary of the idea<br />

of revolution <strong>and</strong> to adopt, in spite of all his criticisms of existing regimes, a<br />

conservative position, comparable to the one that Plato develops in Crito?<br />

‘Short <strong>and</strong> Frequent <strong>Revolution</strong>s’: Force Against Force<br />

The truth probably lies somewhere in between. Even if certain of <strong>Rousseau</strong>’s<br />

arguments against revolution resemble those of Crito (notably in Émile 3 ), his<br />

position is, in reality, quite complicated. He is undoubtedly situated within<br />

a modern theoretical universe, which, following the monarchomachs,<br />

Algernon Sydney or John Locke, desacralized positive law <strong>and</strong> political<br />

authority, subjecting their legitimacy to the consent of the people. He turns<br />

his back on all remnants of what Pascal, for example, called ‘a mystical basis<br />

of the authority’ of law (Pascal, 1958, 294). In addition, he considers as<br />

obvious <strong>and</strong> inevitable the imminent revolutions against the European<br />

monarchies of his time. He writes in Émile: ‘The crisis is approaching, <strong>and</strong><br />

we are on the edge of a revolution’. In a footnote, he adds: ‘In my opinion<br />

it is impossible that the great kingdoms of Europe should last much longer’<br />

(<strong>Rousseau</strong>, 1993b, Book III, 188).<br />

In this prophecy one could fi nd a justifi cation for the events which were to<br />

unfold a little more than a decade after his death. But are such prophecies<br />

justifi cations? Would <strong>Rousseau</strong>, if he had lived longer, have participated<br />

enthusiastically in the revolutionary event? In order to attempt to resolve<br />

these diffi cult questions, we need to examine carefully the way <strong>Rousseau</strong><br />

describes <strong>and</strong> analyses the phenomenon of revolution <strong>and</strong> to compare this<br />

to the aforementioned John Locke. Well before Émile, <strong>Rousseau</strong> already<br />

articulated a prophecy about future revolutions in a text which gives valuable<br />

indications about his position with regard to this prophecy. This passage<br />

is found near the end of the Discourse on Inequality. After having described<br />

the rational foundations of power <strong>and</strong> of laws, <strong>Rousseau</strong> explains how legitimate<br />

institutions can degenerate <strong>and</strong> how a justifi able inequality, based on<br />

merit, gradually decays into an aberrant <strong>and</strong> unbearable inequality, degenerating<br />

ultimately into despotism:<br />

Here is the last stage of inequality, <strong>and</strong> the extreme point which closes<br />

the Circle <strong>and</strong> touches the point from which we started. Here all individuals<br />

become equals again because they are nothing; <strong>and</strong> Subjects no

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