The Case Study of Sherlock Holmes (2009) - Scholarly Commons ...
The Case Study of Sherlock Holmes (2009) - Scholarly Commons ...
The Case Study of Sherlock Holmes (2009) - Scholarly Commons ...
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and like many, have a stereotypical knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>Sherlock</strong> <strong>Holmes</strong>. <strong>The</strong>refore, by<br />
combining both the position <strong>of</strong> a participant and an observer I can “maintain the balance<br />
between „insider‟ and „outsider‟” (Brewer, 2000, p. 59), and in turn am able to observe<br />
and academically research the contributing factors, such as social context, to my fan<br />
experience. For this research, or for any wishing to capture the audience experience, I<br />
believe being a participant is crucial. “Scholars failing to display an adequate level <strong>of</strong><br />
knowledge about the fan cultures and texts they explore raise suspicion amongst their<br />
peers and fans alike” (Sandvoss, 2005, p. 5). Similarly, I cannot research fandom solely<br />
from an observant position, as fans immerse themselves in the text <strong>of</strong> their choice. De<br />
Certeau (as cited in Jenkins, 1992) describes fans as “poachers” (p. 62): “Poachers do<br />
not observe from the distance (be it physical, emotional, or cognitive); they trespass<br />
upon others‟ property; they grab it and hold onto it; they internalise its meaning and<br />
remake these borrowed terms” (Jenkins, 1992, p. 62). However, I must retain my<br />
academic distance, and in order to achieve this, my observant participation is to remain<br />
outside <strong>of</strong> the fan community and not engage with other fans. Jenkins (1992) finds that<br />
“academic distance has thus allowed scholars either to judge or to instruct but not to<br />
converse with the fan community, a process which requires greater proximity and the<br />
surrender <strong>of</strong> certain intellectual pretensions and institutional privileges” (p. 6).<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, the integrity <strong>of</strong> this journey will rest on my documentation and critical<br />
introspection.<br />
Ethnographic journal: Field notes<br />
Sandvoss (2005) believes “fandom functions as a mirror [and that] we must not forget<br />
that what we see will ultimately depend upon our angle <strong>of</strong> vision” (p. 10). As mentioned<br />
earlier, my position is that <strong>of</strong> fan and academic, participant and observer. <strong>The</strong>refore, I<br />
designed an ethnographic journal, in which field notes are divided into three columns:<br />
substantive, analytic, and thick description. Brewer (2000) recommends that a<br />
researcher should “not confuse observation and interpretation; record what is seen and<br />
heard (called „substantive field notes‟) and keep this separate from one‟s interpretation<br />
<strong>of</strong> it (called „analytic field notes‟)” (p. 88). Thick description, however, privileges the<br />
fan perspective; “thick description represents a thorough account taking in the context<br />
<strong>of</strong> the phenomena described, the intentions and meanings that organise them, and their<br />
subsequent evolution or processing” (Brewer, 2000, p. 39). Thick description, originally<br />
an anthropology term, “„enjoined [researchers] to describe phenomena from the natives‟<br />
point <strong>of</strong> view” (Brewer, 2000, p. 39). Bailey (2005), who <strong>of</strong>ten researched areas with a<br />
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