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The Case Study of Sherlock Holmes (2009) - Scholarly Commons ...

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negative connotation, for it no longer applies to a viewer with an obsessive disposition.<br />

Sandvoss (2005), as stated earlier, finds “casual viewers identify themselves as fans” (p.<br />

6), suggesting that the term refers to a self-defined state. Negative academic rhetoric,<br />

however, continues to define the term “fan”, now a generic position within modern<br />

popular culture, with historical disdain. Unless that is the scholar‟s focus, the term “fan”<br />

should be academically updated to embody the casual and commercial meaning <strong>of</strong> the<br />

word.<br />

Similarly, more distinction needs to be made between community integrated fans and<br />

solitary fans. Community fandom is <strong>of</strong>ten the example <strong>of</strong> fandom chosen by scholars<br />

for examination; it functions as a sub-culture and provides ethnographers with a variety<br />

<strong>of</strong> resources. <strong>The</strong> solitary fan, however, the position that I adopted, <strong>of</strong>fers greater<br />

academic insight into a viewer‟s personal relationship with a product. <strong>The</strong> independent<br />

choices <strong>of</strong> a single fan, separate from their product‟s community and the cultivation <strong>of</strong><br />

others, <strong>of</strong>fers up the opportunity to examine fandom pre-community and even post-<br />

community, an opportunity that examines the core <strong>of</strong> a person‟s relationship with a<br />

media text, not with other people. Examination into the solitary fan will also affect the<br />

term itself. Currently, the term “fan” refers to an individual who is one <strong>of</strong> many; as my<br />

research has proven, not everyone‟s cultivation resulting in their fandom is the same.<br />

Academia must examine the solitary fan if it wishes to understand fandom as a whole.<br />

Lastly, I find more time and energy should be dedicated to hybridising the role <strong>of</strong><br />

academic and fan. Hills‟s (2002) version <strong>of</strong> the academic-fan has the potential to evolve<br />

into a legitimate ethnographic position, enabling researchers who possess a “native<br />

expertise” (Bailey, 2005, p. 13) an opportunity to apply their fan knowledge without<br />

that knowledge becoming an ethnographic hindrance. <strong>The</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> ethnography<br />

remains incomplete if a research is unable to incorporate their pre-academic<br />

involvement with a subject. Not only would this contribute to academia‟s overall<br />

understanding <strong>of</strong> fans and fandom, but it would also push the boundaries <strong>of</strong><br />

ethnographic research and academic participation. Similarly, Saler‟s (2003) theory <strong>of</strong><br />

enchantment and the “ironic imagination” (p. 606), encourages the possibility <strong>of</strong><br />

balancing logic with enchantment, and if properly applied to ethnography, the<br />

hybridisation <strong>of</strong> the academic and the fan. While it is our academic duty to conduct an<br />

unbiased observation <strong>of</strong> society, we cannot continue to ignore the aspects <strong>of</strong> our society<br />

that have the power to enchant even the most sceptical <strong>of</strong> academics.<br />

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