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Through this kind of crossing and mutually amending treaties of BITs, FTAs and<br />

WTO everything is subjected to the free play of the market. An extension of investors<br />

rights without obligations or conditions goes hand in hand with a restriction and<br />

elimination of national margins of action with respect to regional development programs<br />

or conditions for investors, certain performance requirements like a minimum<br />

quotas on national employees or conditions to promote regional development like<br />

the preferential treatment of local suppliers, all of which is prohibited by the joint-play<br />

of BITs, FTA and WTO. It is unclear which democratic margins of actions will be<br />

retained by governments apart from leaving everything to the market criteria of price<br />

and efficiency, without room for national, regional or local decision-making.<br />

Environmental, social and human rights are at least mentioned in the FTAs of<br />

the EU, but only in so far that the verbal commitment to human rights and the rule<br />

of law appears in the introductory clause, without specifying any concrete measures<br />

to condition and supervise the compliance with these principles. Investors’ rights are<br />

clearly the focus of these treaties, investors’ obligations are not mentioned. EU trade<br />

commissioner Pascal Lamy has characterized the EU-Chile agreement as<br />

“a XXI century model of trade relations. The ambitious and innovative provisions<br />

are expected to deliver considerable economic and commercial benefits”<br />

328 , especially in the area of services and investment it goes much further<br />

than the existing WTO-commitments. 329<br />

It can be agreed with the judgement of Klaus Schilder from the NGO WEED<br />

regarding the FTAs of the EU, who states that:<br />

“The EU its striving to anchor broad concessions to international investors in<br />

the treaty (as, e.g., legal guarantees to protect foreign investors, a MFN clause,<br />

protection against expropriation and nationalization, free transfer of profits as<br />

well as an international dispute settlement mechanism). The European Parliament<br />

has already spoken out in 1999 for the adoption of a legally binding<br />

code of conduct for foreign investors in developing countries in the annex<br />

of future agreements, which would obligate investors to comply with social,<br />

human rights and environmental minimum standards. Some of the new EU<br />

trade agreements tend to grant broader protection of investment as previously<br />

accorded in other multilateral initiatives. Overall it therefore has to be feared,<br />

that beyond the WTO-framework the Multilateral Investment Agreement (MAI),<br />

328 http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/chile/assoc_agr/ip02_1696.htm.<br />

329 Taken from: Küppers, Gaby: Es darf geschröpft werden. Das EU-Chile-Abkommen ist unter Dach und Fach, in: ila<br />

No. 260, November 2002, p. 33.<br />

117

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