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But the more eminent danger is that of a negative list: on the one hand, it is
unclear what will happen to future services areas (what would have happened to the
e-commerce sector, e.g., if there would have been a ratified negative list before the
existence of this service sector?). Will they automatically form part of the areas to be
liberalized or not? On the other hand, the danger exists that a negative list explicitly
states, that the excluded areas constitute some kind of “exception” or a “deviation”
from the rule, which later on, through international pressure of the big nations, e.g.,
can be abolished arguing a “normalization” of this rule.
On the European side the position towards the planned “Interregional Association
Agreement” is naturally not unitarian. The German industrial employers umbrella
organization, BDI, for example, considers the European agricultural subsidies as
unbearable. The BDI vehemently advocates a FTA in terms of the German exporters:
In this sense the BDI feels that the objective of international negotiations on services
should be to open up markets. 244 All “market distorting” national decrees for investors,
which are enacted in terms of the promotion of regional development, e.g.,
considering local suppliers, are a thorn in their side:
“The German industry has in the past always rejected attempts to pursue economic
and industrial goals in a dirigistic manner with the help of trade-policy
instruments and will continue to do so.” 245
The BDI uses its historically close relationship to the German government to
represent the interest of its members, who operate in MERCOSUR countries, “commenting
and complementing each offer coming from MERCOSUR or the EU” 246 and
exerting influence by loudly propagating their ideas with respect to free trade and
investment “protection.”
The same position is argued by the Hamburg based Ibero-Amerika Verein, 247
244 “Dienstleistungsverhandlungen müssen Märkte öffnen.” BDI press statement, April 29, 2003. Own translation:
“Negotiations on services have to open up markets.”
245 Own translation of the following original text: “Die deutsche Industrie hat Bestrebungen, mit Hilfe der
handelspolitischen Instrumente wirtschafts- und industriepolitische Ziele auf dirigistischem Weg zu verfolgen, in
der Vergangenheit immer eine klare Absage erteilt und wird dies auch weiterhin tun.” Taken from: http://www.bdionline.de/schwerpunkte_daten/handelspolitische_schutzinstrumente.htm.
246 This view was expressed by Sigrid Zirbel, who is the person in charge of North- and Latin America at the BDI, during
a conversation with Claudia Torrelli (REDES / CEO / TNI) on June 27, 2003. See: Torrelli, Claudia: MERCOSUR for
sale? The EU’s FTAA and the need to oppose it. Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO) & Transnational Institute
(TNI), Info Letter, Amsterdam, August 2003, p. 3.
247 “Mitglieder des IAV sind in erster Linie Privatunternehmen aus Deutschland und anderen Ländern Europas mit
Interessen in Lateinamerika, aber auch dortige Firmen mit Verbindungen zu Deutschland und Einzelpersonen. Der
Vorstand des IAV setzt sich aus Geschäftsführern und Vorstandsmitgliedern der Mitgliedsunternehmen sowie aus
den Geschäftsführern der deutschen Auslandshandelskammern in der Region zusammen.”, http://www.iberoamerikaverein.de/
Own translation: “Members of the IAV are first of all private companies that pursue interests
in Latin America from Germany and other countries, but also companies in Latin America with connections to
Germany and individuals. The board of directors of the IAV is composed of CEOs of member companies, as well as
the directors of the German Aussenhandelskammern [foreign trade chambers] in the region.”
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