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booth gardner - Washington Secretary of State

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that without hiking taxes. He also called for welfare reform – “workfare” – and endorsed<br />

McDermott’s plan to provide basic health care coverage for the uninsured.<br />

The lawmakers were facing the first session in six years where slashing would not<br />

be the order <strong>of</strong> the hour. Although the economy was improving, estimates indicated there<br />

wouldn’t be enough revenue to accomplish what Gardner wanted to do in both K-12 and<br />

higher education. The question became not whether taxes would be needed but what<br />

kind and how much. His staff presented several piecemeal options. He chose the most<br />

ambitious and controversial route for two reasons: He did not want to give up on the most<br />

costly part <strong>of</strong> his plan – boosting the caliber <strong>of</strong> teaching – and the change in tax structure<br />

was a step toward full-scale reform.<br />

Booth urged the legislators to not “spend 105 days making excuses” why they<br />

couldn’t halt the state’s “slide toward mediocrity.” The Republicans were stoic, the<br />

Democrats curiously subdued and the teachers loaded for bear. Not once was the<br />

governor’s 1987 <strong>State</strong> <strong>of</strong> the <strong>State</strong> message interrupted by applause. “Even the anecdotes<br />

were the same,” someone yawned. Looking back, Gardner says one <strong>of</strong> his biggest<br />

frustrations was “this politics <strong>of</strong> perception and posturing.”<br />

* * *<br />

Booth told reporters he planned to call up General Barlow to help make the case<br />

for tax reform. “Everywhere I go I talk about education, but there’s a quid pro quo there,”<br />

the governor said. “The public has to decide if they want to make the investment, but<br />

at the same time we have to show we can run our business as effectively as possible.”<br />

He admitted that he didn’t bring Barlow on board when he first took <strong>of</strong>fice because “the<br />

staff still has a certain apprehension about Greg – which isn’t all bad.” Nor all wrong, says<br />

Dean Foster. “We made it pretty clear to Booth that we didn’t want Barlow to have an<br />

<strong>of</strong>fice in the Capitol. I knew he would wreak havoc, so they found one for him down at GA<br />

(General Administration) and his role was ill-defined. He was an exceptional guy with an<br />

unbelievable amount <strong>of</strong> energy, and he ran right over the top to do things for Norton and<br />

Booth,” the governor’s former chief <strong>of</strong> staff says. That style was not calculated, however, to<br />

win friends for the governor and influence legislators.<br />

During Booth’s eight years in Olympia, business interests always worried that those<br />

damn tax-and-spend liberals had the upper hand in the governor’s <strong>of</strong>fice, Foster adds, so<br />

he believes it’s possible that Barlow was dispatched by Clapp to make sure Booth wouldn’t<br />

give away the farm. Adele Ferguson said that was precisely the case. “Well, here comes<br />

Rambo,” she wrote. “But it may be too late.” Foster says he never saw the direct influence<br />

<strong>of</strong> Norton Clapp on the governor, “but I knew it was there.” Booth says his stepfather’s<br />

friends gave him more free advice than Clapp, although Norton did “suggest” it might be a<br />

good idea to call up Barlow. “I just thanked him” for the advice, but “I didn’t feel I needed<br />

it.” In other words, did he humor Clapp by bringing back Barlow for a while? “Yeah,”<br />

Gardner nodded with a conspiratorial smile.<br />

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