booth gardner - Washington Secretary of State

65 percent favorable vs. 61 percent. Republicans spun the two-to-one opposition to an
income tax to assert that Gardner was in “a weaker position for re-election than expected.”
A Seattle Times poll revealed the magnitude of their challenge. Gardner’s positives were at
76 percent, Maleng’s at 21 and Williams’ at 7. Fifty-seven percent of the respondents had
never heard of Maleng and 81 percent had no idea who Williams was.
Responding to widespread speculation, Gardner denied any interest in the U.S.
Senate seat being vacated by Dan Evans or the vice presidency. “I am committed to this job
for eight years,” he said, “but after that, who knows?”
* * *
Skimpy revenues in a supplemental budget year made Gardner look like Scrooge.
Agency requests outstripped available funds by nearly 14-to-1. He ordered a one percent
across-the-board spending cut to boost the budget surplus to a still-worrisome $600,000
and head off election-year attempts by the Republicans to portray him and his fellow
Democrats as profligate. For the 60-day 1988 session, the GOP had an outright 25-24
majority in the Senate. They’d won a hotly-contested special election to fill a vacancy in
the Vancouver area by fielding an attractive new conservative, Linda Smith. With 25 of the
Senate’s 49 seats up for election that fall, including 14 held by Republicans, the GOP would
be on offense and defense simultaneously. The Democrats were hoping their popular
governor had coattails. Gardner would face a Republican majority in the Senate for the
remainder of his tenure as governor.
In an introspective interview with The Olympian as the 1988 session got under way,
the governor acknowledged that Olympia insiders saw him as a weak, inconsistent leader.
“It’s the way I come off,” he said with a shrug. “…Talk to my kids. They would probably give
you the same review… I’m one to listen to the other side of an issue. I’m one to change my
opinion at times. I don’t like to jam things at people.” The comment about his kids was yet
another glimpse into Booth’s complicated psyche. When the kids were growing up, Jean
was the enforcer because Dad was so often gone and, in any case, hated to say no.
Goaded by Adele Ferguson, the press analyzed transcripts of his recent press
conferences and concluded that he had been remarkably noncommittal on any issue
more controversial than his soccer team. “I don’t know yet” and “I’m waiting for others to
decide” were two of his stock answers. Booth says he was more gun-shy than indecisive.
His staff had pointed out that familiarity can breed contempt.
As expected, the 1988 Legislature also punted. Beyond a progressive decision to
raise the level of compensation for injured workers, its achievements amounted to $100
million for construction projects and a bill authorizing a bailout of the Trade & Convention
Center in Seattle. Even with a two-day a special session, they couldn’t agree on how much
to raise the state’s $2.30-an-hour minimum wage. Although both parties agreed it was
embarrassingly low, a compromise degenerated into finger pointing. The governor was
disgusted and the feeling was mutual.
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