booth gardner - Washington Secretary of State
booth gardner - Washington Secretary of State
booth gardner - Washington Secretary of State
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to appoint the department’s director. Opponents in the sporting community vowed to file a<br />
referendum but couldn’t muster enough signatures to place the issue on the ballot.<br />
Also on the upside, the “Family Independence Program,” the governor’s visionary<br />
plan to reduce the welfare rolls through a combination <strong>of</strong> job training and education, was<br />
approved in a slightly less ambitious form. It presaged the landmark Clinton-era welfare<br />
reforms.<br />
With strong support from House Speaker Joe King, Jim McDermott’s dream <strong>of</strong><br />
establishing a state-subsidized basic health insurance program for the working poor finally<br />
came true in the form <strong>of</strong> a $19 million pilot project for 30,000 workers. It was the first<br />
program <strong>of</strong> its kind in the nation. McDermott and Gardner predicted that one <strong>of</strong> America’s<br />
biggest crises in the years to come would be a relentlessly increasing number <strong>of</strong> citizens<br />
who couldn’t afford health insurance. “If I were to pick the moment in my political career<br />
that I enjoyed the most, it’d be about two seconds ago,” the senator from Seattle said as<br />
Gardner handed him the pen he used to sign the bill.<br />
Booth was energized, as usual, by his popularity and confident <strong>of</strong> re-election,<br />
despite his appetite for an income tax that the electorate repeatedly balked at swallowing.<br />
He and Wilkerson said it could take two years, maybe four, to sell the skeptical public.<br />
Tax reform was “the issue <strong>of</strong> the late ’80s,” the governor said. Wilkerson noted that “70<br />
percent <strong>of</strong> the people we’ve surveyed think we need change. But 70 percent also think<br />
change will make things worse.”<br />
In Olympia, skepticism was epidemic. Booth was panned as indecisive. June brought<br />
personnel changes, the sort <strong>of</strong> mid-course corrections governors invariably make to deal<br />
with burnout, infighting and their own errors <strong>of</strong> judgment. Saying “this isn’t a career, it’s<br />
an experience,” Orin Smith departed for the far greener pastures <strong>of</strong> private industry, not<br />
to mention fewer 16-hour days and less aggravation. Booth hated to see him go. Adele<br />
flat out wrote that the budget chief had threatened to quit if Barlow was going to be<br />
sniffing around his yard, which prompted Booth to call <strong>of</strong>f his pit bull. She also wrote that<br />
Barlow had hurt himself with Norton Clapp by talking too freely about Booth’s widely<br />
perceived gumption deficit. Smith says there’s “no question” that he and Barlow had<br />
their differences, which was inevitable “because there were no shades <strong>of</strong> gray with Greg.”<br />
However, he says he made no such threat. It was just time for him to move on after years<br />
<strong>of</strong> public service. Smith said Booth’s inability to push his tax reform program through the<br />
Legislature was a setback, but he pointed to the governor’s accomplishments in welfare<br />
reform, higher ed financing and K-12. “Nothing in the Ray or Spellman administrations<br />
compares to the agenda Booth put before the Legislature,” Smith said. “I don’t think, in the<br />
last 12 years, a governor has so dominated the agenda <strong>of</strong> the Legislature.”<br />
Smith was succeeded by Dick Davis, who had shaped up Labor & Industries.<br />
Joe Dear, only 36 but a deft manager, moved up to head L&I. Dick Thompson left the<br />
Department <strong>of</strong> Community Development to move into the inner circle. His title was<br />
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