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booth gardner - Washington Secretary of State

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sprang from the <strong>Washington</strong> <strong>State</strong> organization. Death with Dignity’s national organization<br />

sent Eli Stutsman. Coombs Lee was a nurse, physician’s assistant and attorney. Articulate<br />

and attractive, she had been the chief petitioner for Oregon’s Death With Dignity Act.<br />

Stutsman, a Portland attorney, was its lead author. Preston, a handsome, gray-haired<br />

Seattle cardiologist, had been on the front lines <strong>of</strong> the 1991 campaign, emerging as a<br />

national activist for “aid in dying.” Each <strong>of</strong> them would play key roles in the months to<br />

come, but Preston’s Quaker roots, medical credentials and hard-won mastery <strong>of</strong> Politics<br />

101 added up to what they needed most – a conciliator and sage.<br />

They decided to meet regularly to share information and coordinate their efforts.<br />

Booth came away from the first meetings impressed with his new allies, Preston in<br />

particular, but deeply conflicted. What they were proposing didn’t go as far as he wanted.<br />

Preston was emphatic that the Oregon law had to be their model. “The patient has to be<br />

terminally ill and self-administer” the lethal dose, the doctor said. “Otherwise there’s too<br />

much opportunity for abuse. It won’t pass the ethics test.” Booth pushed for something<br />

he called “Oregon Plus” – a plan that would feature a panel <strong>of</strong> experts with the power to<br />

approve assistance in dying to people with Parkinson’s and other debilitating but nonterminal<br />

afflictions. They all warned him that thousands <strong>of</strong> people passionately committed<br />

to Death With Dignity would drop out if he pursued that course.<br />

Booth resolved to “keep on listening and learning.” In April, at the Norton Building<br />

in Seattle, he convened a meeting attended by about 40 people, mostly family and friends.<br />

Dr. Preston was there, too. He played a pivotal role in “helping to weave together the<br />

various groups and to help Booth understand the subtleties <strong>of</strong> the issue,” Harris recalls.<br />

“I’d voted for him twice, but I’d never met Booth before we started getting together,”<br />

Preston says. “He was bright and funny. … His high regard for himself sometimes colors things<br />

he says, but a lot <strong>of</strong> successful people are like that, and he was struggling to come to grips<br />

with Parkinson’s. I liked his spirit. I liked Cynthia, too. She was young and bright. I will always<br />

remember how she was attempting to counter his headstrong desire to let anyone die who<br />

wanted to. She seemed to understand my concerns about the approach Booth was taking.”<br />

Kelly Evans, a marketing and advertising specialist highly recommended by Denny<br />

Heck, agreed to join the team. She helped with research, including focus groups and<br />

polling. All <strong>of</strong> the feedback was very encouraging. (Evans became Gov. Gregoire’s reelection<br />

campaign manager late in 2007. By then the key organizational work had been<br />

done by the team.)<br />

During the legislative session, <strong>State</strong> Senator Pat Thibaudeau, a Democrat from<br />

Seattle, introduced the <strong>Washington</strong> Death with Dignity Act. However, it failed to emerge<br />

from the Health & Long-term Care Committee before the 2006 session ended in March.<br />

Gardner, Harris and Evans met with a number <strong>of</strong> political people around the state to get<br />

a sense <strong>of</strong> whether there was any hope <strong>of</strong> passing aid-in-dying legislation in 2007 or 2008<br />

or whether prospects were better for an initiative. Most counseled that passing legislation<br />

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