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The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)

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given within three months. 397 <strong>The</strong> same could be said about the <strong>European</strong> Commission.<br />

As Monar notes, although the Commission was given a shared right <strong>of</strong> initiative, it was<br />

to assert it in<br />

“the ‘climate’ <strong>of</strong> the intergovernmental framework which tends to limit its actual<br />

possibilities <strong>of</strong> influencing decision making” at least in the earlier stages <strong>of</strong> its new<br />

role. 398<br />

Furthermore, the primary instrument <strong>of</strong> ECL introduced by Amsterdam – the framework<br />

decision – was <strong>of</strong> limited strength. Article 34 (2) (b) TEU(A) held that framework<br />

decisions were binding upon the Member States as to the result to be achieved, leaving<br />

national authorities the choice <strong>of</strong> form and methods. <strong>The</strong> Article further noted that<br />

framework decisions were not to have direct effect. This exclusion was a clear<br />

differentiation from directives, the equivalent instrument in the context <strong>of</strong> the first pillar.<br />

<strong>The</strong> fact that framework decisions could not entail direct effect was highly limiting in<br />

legal force, even more so in a domain where individual fundamental rights are <strong>of</strong>ten at<br />

stake, such as in <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong>. 399 Furthermore, the TEU(A) did not provide for any<br />

mechanism <strong>of</strong> enforcement or control <strong>of</strong> Member States’ implementation <strong>of</strong> framework<br />

decisions. This, once again, was in sharp contrast with the first pillar, under which the<br />

Commission could lodge infringement actions under Article 226 ECT(A) if it found a<br />

Member State had not implemented a directive correctly or had not implemented it at all<br />

and it had failed to follow the Commission’s advice to do so. Likewise, conventions<br />

remained weak as legal instruments mainly because they depended on the political<br />

goodwill <strong>of</strong> Member States to be ratified and this process was not always expedited.<br />

This difficulty was felt strongly - to the point that some mechanisms to compensate for<br />

these limitations were created. Den Boer notes how the introduction <strong>of</strong> the ‘rolling<br />

ratification’ procedure aimed precisely at avoiding the paralyses <strong>of</strong> a draft convention,<br />

as it allowed their entry into force once adopted by at least half <strong>of</strong> the Member States (in<br />

their territory only). 400<br />

397 Article 38 TEU (A).<br />

398 J. Monar, “Justice and Home Affairs after Amsterdam: <strong>The</strong> Treaty Reforms and the Challenge<br />

<strong>of</strong> their Implementation”, supra note 385, 267, 283.<br />

399 <strong>The</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> direct effect, briefly, allows individuals to invoke EU <strong>law</strong> provisions before a<br />

national court against the State (vertical direct effect) or against another individual (horizontal<br />

direct effect) when certain conditions are met; See for more details D. Chalmers et al., <strong>European</strong><br />

<strong>Union</strong> Law, supra note 268, 268-300.<br />

400 M. den Boer, “An Area <strong>of</strong> Freedom, Security and Justice: Bogged Down by Compromise”, in<br />

D. O’Keefe and P. Twomey (eds) Legal Issues After the Treaty <strong>of</strong> Amsterdam (Oxford/Portland:<br />

Hart Publishing, 1999) 279, 317.<br />

112

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