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The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)

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Indeed, already in 1996, organised crime had been elevated to a main priority in justice<br />

and home affairs, both by the Council Resolution laying down the priorities for<br />

cooperation in the field <strong>of</strong> justice and home affairs for the period from 1 July to 10 June<br />

1998, 321 and from the Council Resolution laying down the priorities for cooperation<br />

from the period from 1 January 1998 to the date the TEU(A) entered into force. 322<br />

Politically, organised crime was being promoted as a transnational threat and, in<br />

consequence, upgraded to a policy priority. Mitsilegas et al. refer to this new status <strong>of</strong><br />

organised crime as its “securitisation”, explaining this happened mainly for three<br />

reasons: first, it was perceived as a growing problem that threatened the well being <strong>of</strong><br />

western countries and, as a consequence, <strong>European</strong> States began to envisage it as a<br />

‘common security’ concern needing collective solutions; second, the paradigm <strong>of</strong><br />

organised crime that was worrying the western world (such as the Italians and<br />

Americans) was generating considerable alarm even if it didn’t correspond entirely to<br />

the reality <strong>of</strong> the <strong>European</strong> model; finally, organised crime in Europe had been perceived<br />

as increasing after the Cold War, especially with the emergence <strong>of</strong> organised crime<br />

groups in eastern Europe, namely Russia and Albania. 323<br />

Not surprisingly, this political use <strong>of</strong> organised crime also deeply permeated the legal<br />

reality <strong>of</strong> <strong>criminal</strong> matters in the EU. Organised crime, besides having been made a<br />

political priority, also became a legal label, a narrative that guided many <strong>of</strong> the legal<br />

measures undertaken in <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong> related matters, emerging as one <strong>of</strong> the main<br />

justifications for the adoption <strong>of</strong> secondary legislation in <strong>criminal</strong> matters.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Joint Action <strong>of</strong> 1998 which made it a <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>of</strong>fence to participate in a <strong>criminal</strong><br />

organisation in the Member States <strong>of</strong> the <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong> (hereinafter Joint Action on<br />

organised crime) is the central example <strong>of</strong> this. Its preamble states:<br />

“Whereas the Council considers that the seriousness and development <strong>of</strong> certain forms<br />

<strong>of</strong> organised crime require strengthening <strong>of</strong> cooperation between the Member States <strong>of</strong><br />

the <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong>, particularly as regards the following <strong>of</strong>fences: drug trafficking,<br />

trafficking in human beings, terrorism, trafficking in works <strong>of</strong> art, money laundering,<br />

serious economic crime, extortion and other acts <strong>of</strong> violence against the life, physical<br />

321 Council Resolution <strong>of</strong> 26 October 1996, supra note 257.<br />

322 Council Resolution <strong>of</strong> 18 December 1997, supra note 258.<br />

323 “Securitisation <strong>of</strong> an issue occurs when it is elevated from the level <strong>of</strong> routine political<br />

discussion to a special category status and in consequence a higher priority is attached to<br />

remedying the problem, and combating the risks justifies the allocation <strong>of</strong> increased resources.”<br />

Mitsilegas, Monar and Rees, <strong>The</strong> <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong> and Internal Security, supra note 91, 46-49.<br />

89

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