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The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)

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trafficking), and especially about crime that is committed by highly organized<br />

groups.” 158<br />

<strong>The</strong> scarcity <strong>of</strong> data on international crime during the 1980s led Bigo to argue that many<br />

<strong>of</strong> the concerns with <strong>criminal</strong>ity that emerged after 1985, did so in the absence <strong>of</strong><br />

significant research on whether the removal <strong>of</strong> internal borders in particular and the<br />

single market in general would have a significant impact on levels <strong>of</strong> <strong>criminal</strong>ity. Bigo<br />

further suggested that Justice and Home Affairs ministers did not want to be perceived<br />

as anti-<strong>European</strong> at that point in time, thus they had to accept the principle <strong>of</strong> free<br />

movement <strong>of</strong> persons. In turn, they decided to create mechanisms that could compensate<br />

for the abolition <strong>of</strong> internal borders and for the consequent ‘security deficit’ that this<br />

could bring. Hence, under the label <strong>of</strong> the fight against terrorism and increase in<br />

organised crime, the ministers were actually aiming to defend against a potential wave<br />

<strong>of</strong> illegal immigration and refugees coming into Europe. 159<br />

Indeed, the above mentioned preliminary study carried out in 1993 by the Centre for the<br />

Study <strong>of</strong> Public Order <strong>of</strong> the University <strong>of</strong> Leicester suggested,<br />

“international terrorism will neither increase nor decrease as the consequence <strong>of</strong> the<br />

open borders’ and that ‘the relaxation <strong>of</strong> border controls is unlikely to see the pattern <strong>of</strong><br />

organized drugs trafficking in the <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong> change significantly.” 160<br />

Benyon et. al. found that there was no relevant increase in serious or transnational<br />

<strong>criminal</strong>ity and that the increasing threats <strong>of</strong> terrorism and organised crime appeared, in<br />

the light <strong>of</strong> the data analysed, merely the <strong>of</strong>ficial justification for adopting these new<br />

security measures. 161 In fact, although it is not an unreasonable assumption that the<br />

creation <strong>of</strong> the single market and the establishment <strong>of</strong> the four freedoms could have an<br />

effect on the levels and shapes <strong>of</strong> <strong>criminal</strong>ity, that link was clearly uncertain at the<br />

time. 162<br />

158 M. Maguire, “Crime Statistics and the Construction <strong>of</strong> Crime”, in M. Maguire, R. Morgan and<br />

R. Reiner (eds) <strong>The</strong> Oxford Handbook <strong>of</strong> Criminology (Oxford: OUP, 20012, Fifth Edition) 206,<br />

233.<br />

159 D. Bigo, “L’Europe de la sécurité intérieure”, in D. Bigo (ed) L’Europe des Polices et de la<br />

Securité Interieure (Bruxelles: Editions Complexes, 1992) 17-20.<br />

160 Benyon et al., Police Cooperation in Europe, supra note 149, 60.<br />

161 Benyon et al., ibid., 60.<br />

162 In fact, more recent data seems to suggest that the enlargement <strong>of</strong> spaces <strong>of</strong> free movement –<br />

such as happened with the 2004 <strong>European</strong> Enlargement – does not necessarily lead to more<br />

organised crime. Changes seem to be either linked to internal factors to those groups or external<br />

factors such as “economic, social and technological developments.” Borders can have an impact<br />

in isolated situations only “tightening <strong>of</strong> controls at certain border crossing-points and its<br />

subsequent effects change crime opportunities.”, Europol Organised Crime Threat Assessment<br />

49

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