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The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)

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Framework Decision on trafficking in human beings have thresholds <strong>of</strong> penalties <strong>of</strong><br />

equal severity for <strong>of</strong>fences against goods and against persons. 681<br />

4.2. <strong>The</strong> distinction between formal and substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation<br />

Second, harmonisation and the increase in <strong>criminal</strong>isation seen earlier might not<br />

translate in similar levels in prosecution and punishment in national legal systems. This<br />

is so as harmonisation <strong>of</strong> national <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong> focuses on legislative measures alone<br />

and it does not account for the functioning <strong>of</strong> <strong>criminal</strong> justice systems at national level<br />

(a domain largely ignored by ECL). Consequently, police and judicial norms,<br />

guidelines and practices, for example, remain outside the scope <strong>of</strong> EU harmonisation<br />

measures. However, whilst these are not harmonised, they determine strongly policing<br />

or prosecution and ultimately the levels <strong>of</strong> punishment <strong>of</strong> a legal system. Hence, even if<br />

Member States would all implement equally the same framework decision divergence<br />

could still occur. As Lacey notes, a distinction between formal <strong>criminal</strong>isation<br />

(legislation, treaties, statutes – ‘<strong>law</strong> in the books’) and substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation<br />

(actual application <strong>of</strong> the <strong>law</strong>) ought to be made for<br />

“Substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation might increase or decrease in a world <strong>of</strong> stable formal<br />

<strong>criminal</strong>isation, while expanded <strong>criminal</strong>isation will not necessarily lead to greater<br />

substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation unless certain other conditions – notably an increase in the<br />

resources available to enforcement agencies, and/ or the changes in their incentives –<br />

are met.” 682<br />

Hence, a wider scope <strong>of</strong> <strong>criminal</strong>isation in the <strong>law</strong> will contribute to but not always<br />

translate into actual harsher practices <strong>of</strong> punishment. 683<br />

681 A. Weyembergh, “Approximation <strong>of</strong> Criminal Law”, supra note 617, 1585-88.<br />

682 N. Lacey, “Historicising Criminalisation: Conceptual and Empirical Issues” (2009) 72 <strong>The</strong><br />

Modern Law Review 936, 946.<br />

683 An interesting example <strong>of</strong> mismatch between a high level <strong>of</strong> formal <strong>criminal</strong>isation and a<br />

comparably low substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation is the case <strong>of</strong> Italy during the Mussolini’s regime.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Rocco Code adopted in 1930 laid down very severe maximum sentences, throughout<br />

statutory minimum sentences and imprisonment as the primary method <strong>of</strong> punishment.<br />

Nonetheless, sentencing practice during those years was much more lenient than such code would<br />

suggest, thus toning formal <strong>criminal</strong>isation down; see V. Ruggiero, “Flexibility and intermittent<br />

emergency in the Italian penal system”, in V. Ruggiero, V. Ryan and J. Sim (eds) Western<br />

<strong>European</strong> Penal Systems: A Critical Anatomy (London: Sage Publications, 1995) 46, 51-52. For<br />

more examples <strong>of</strong> mismatch between formal and substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation mainly due to the<br />

practices <strong>of</strong> judges and prosecutors in France and Germany respectively, see M. Cavadino and J.<br />

Dignan, Penal Systems, supra note 78, 338. Chapter 5 will also point out how different States<br />

make radical different use <strong>of</strong> prosecution instruments.<br />

181

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