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The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)

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not subject to control or enforcement mechanisms. It was thus difficult to control their<br />

implementation by Member States or to follow through on any steps taken at the<br />

domestic level. <strong>The</strong>ir exact legal value was also contested. <strong>The</strong> large majority <strong>of</strong><br />

Member States and the Council were <strong>of</strong> opinion that joint actions were<br />

“obligatory in <strong>law</strong> and that the extent <strong>of</strong> the obligation on the Member States depends on<br />

the content and the terms <strong>of</strong> each Joint Action.” 269<br />

But other Member States such as the UK and Portugal disagreed with this view and had<br />

the opinion that Joint Actions were not automatically binding and that this would depend<br />

on the text <strong>of</strong> each measure. Such an understanding appeared to be shared by Calderoni<br />

who notes,<br />

“the lack <strong>of</strong> obligations on Member States made Joint Actions useful tools for political<br />

purposes without any actual obligation upon governments.” 270<br />

<strong>The</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> the matter was that, as Walker noted, these third pillar measures revealed<br />

themselves to be rather weak as they<br />

“tended to be ‘s<strong>of</strong>t’ rather than ‘hard’- facilitative rather than compulsory – and did not<br />

penetrate the national legal systems sufficiently to confer rights and obligations on<br />

individuals”. 271<br />

This section has shown how the TEU(M) empowered the EU as an actor in <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong><br />

related matters for the first time in the history <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> integration. It did so by<br />

attributing a rather limited role to the EU in such a field. However, it will be seen in the<br />

following section how this restrained formal approach was in contrast with the wide and<br />

fast political and legal narratives on crime which were particularly felt at a structural<br />

level.<br />

more details D. Chalmers, G. Davies and G. Monti, <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong> Law (Cambridge:<br />

Cambridge University Press, 2010) 268-300.<br />

269 Outcome <strong>of</strong> proceedings <strong>of</strong> K.4 Committee <strong>of</strong> 7 April 1995, Council Document 6684/95 <strong>of</strong> 4<br />

May 1995.<br />

270 F. Calderoni, “A Definition that Could not Work: the EU Framework Decision on the Fight<br />

Against Organised Crime” (2008) 16 <strong>European</strong> Journal <strong>of</strong> Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal<br />

Justice 266.<br />

271 N. Walker, “<strong>The</strong> pattern <strong>of</strong> transnational policing”, supra note 238, 127. It should also be<br />

noted that the Council, in the JHA domain in general and especially in asylum and immigration<br />

matters, also made a large use <strong>of</strong> s<strong>of</strong>t <strong>law</strong> instruments such as decisions and recommendations<br />

and that these were necessarily non-binding upon Member States, Peers, EU Justice and Home<br />

Affairs Law (Oxford: OUP, 2011, Third Edition) 14.<br />

75

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