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The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)

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<strong>The</strong> central actors in the Trevi framework – Interior Ministers and police <strong>of</strong>ficers - were<br />

thus both under major internal pressures. Politicians faced the fear <strong>of</strong> losing control <strong>of</strong><br />

the quantity and quality <strong>of</strong> immigrants and asylum seekers arriving upon their domestic<br />

territory. Likewise, police forces faced an additional strain on their already pressurised<br />

domestic crime landscape. Both sides fed each others’ fears while also <strong>of</strong>fering helpful<br />

remedies.<br />

Anderson et al. noted how the general expectation that the removal <strong>of</strong> internal borders<br />

was to make crime control more difficult was in fact the general perception mostly in<br />

<strong>law</strong> enforcement circles (although literature had conflicting views on whether borders<br />

are useful in the fight against crime). 168 Consequently, regardless <strong>of</strong> the seeming lack <strong>of</strong><br />

clear data or studies on the existent levels <strong>of</strong> <strong>criminal</strong>ity and on its potential increase<br />

with the completion <strong>of</strong> the single market, in the years between 1985 and 1993 (year <strong>of</strong><br />

the entry into force <strong>of</strong> the TEU(M)), cooperation in <strong>criminal</strong> matters was streamlined.<br />

As will be explained below, the Trevi structure was expanded and many other ad hoc<br />

groups were created. <strong>The</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> intervention was broadened and issues ranging from<br />

terrorism to illegal immigration, drug trafficking, trafficking in human beings or<br />

hooliganism among others began to be addressed in this transcontinental context.<br />

Overall, a narrative <strong>of</strong> the need to fight an increasing threat <strong>of</strong> organised crime (broadly<br />

understood and deeply related to the single market) began to emerge in the background<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> integration, in what can be called the early origins <strong>of</strong> Euro-crime. 169 Post-<br />

1985 was thus an era <strong>of</strong> the relative formalisation and rationalisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>law</strong> <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong><br />

related concerns and initiatives across the EC which ultimately allowed for their<br />

incorporation later on into the TEU(M).<br />

2.1. An incremental claim: expanding structures and themes<br />

After 1985, the change in the political discourse on crime, together with the internal<br />

market, brought about changes in <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong> related matters, namely a significant<br />

proliferation <strong>of</strong> structures and the broadening scope <strong>of</strong> the EC’s interest in <strong>criminal</strong><br />

matters as well as an attempt at the formalisation and rationalisation <strong>of</strong> such a<br />

framework. <strong>The</strong> legacy <strong>of</strong> those years remained at the core <strong>of</strong> the new developments that<br />

created additional layers to the initiatives already in place. From a structural point <strong>of</strong><br />

view, the most significant and immediate change was the expansion <strong>of</strong> Trevi’s<br />

configuration. First, the remit <strong>of</strong> the second working group, which had been established<br />

in 1976, was expanded to cover matters such as football hooliganism, leading to the<br />

168 M. Anderson., et al., Policing the <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong> (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995) 16-19.<br />

169<br />

See chapter 2.<br />

51

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