The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)
The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)
The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)
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levelling up <strong>of</strong> formal <strong>criminal</strong>isation, potentially bringing about a harsher <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong><br />
across the <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong>. 674<br />
Furthermore, the setting <strong>of</strong> minimum maximum sentences and the extension <strong>of</strong> the<br />
<strong>criminal</strong> liability to more subjects, namely legal persons, also contribute to this reality.<br />
As Husak explains,<br />
“Even when more behaviour is not punishable, the category <strong>of</strong> persons who face<br />
<strong>criminal</strong> prosecution [is] widened. <strong>The</strong> most obvious examples are juveniles and whitecollar<br />
<strong>of</strong>fenders each <strong>of</strong> whom had relatively little to fear from the <strong>criminal</strong> justice<br />
system until the last quarter <strong>of</strong> the 20th century, but recently have become more<br />
common prosecutorial targets.” 675<br />
This scenario <strong>of</strong> increased <strong>criminal</strong>isation at national level as a consequence <strong>of</strong> EU <strong>law</strong><br />
implementation is not without two important caveats. <strong>The</strong> first relates to the fact that<br />
ECL still leaves Member States with significant room to manoeuvre; the second relates<br />
to the need to distinguish between formal and substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation, as will be<br />
explored in the next section.<br />
4. <strong>The</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong> minimum harmonisation in <strong>criminal</strong> matters: uneven<br />
implementation and unpredictable outcomes<br />
In fact, the trend set in place by harmonisation measures needs to be analysed carefully.<br />
Indeed, the harmonisation set in place does not avoid significant dissonance between<br />
national <strong>law</strong>s, nor does it ensure an equal standard <strong>of</strong> actual <strong>criminal</strong>isation and<br />
punishment at national level. It sets in motion a process but it does not have the tools to<br />
see it through entirely. First, because the setting <strong>of</strong> a minimum standard only falls short<br />
674 Husak in this regard argues that more <strong>criminal</strong>isation leads necessarily to more punishment:<br />
“it is patently clear that more <strong>criminal</strong>ization produces more punishment in a straightforward<br />
manner: by expanding the type <strong>of</strong> conducts subject to liability. <strong>The</strong> incidence <strong>of</strong> punishment is at<br />
unprecedented levels partly because defendants are convicted <strong>of</strong> crimes that did not exist a few<br />
generations ago.” However, a direct causation between EU legislation and increase in<br />
<strong>criminal</strong>isation at national <strong>law</strong> is not clear-cut. In fact, the distinction between formal and<br />
substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation is here essential. Hence, as it will be seen below in the chapter, formal<br />
<strong>criminal</strong>isation does not necessarily need to lead to more substantive <strong>criminal</strong>isation as it also<br />
depends on numerous factors <strong>of</strong> national <strong>criminal</strong> policy (Husak refers to the US system in<br />
particular but the theoretical reasoning can be applied to the EU framework or any other legal<br />
system for that matter); D. Husak, Over<strong>criminal</strong>ization, <strong>The</strong> Limits <strong>of</strong> the Criminal Law (New<br />
York: OUP, 2008) 19-20.<br />
675 We have omitted “has” and replaced it by [is]. Again, the author is referring to the US but his<br />
argument is being applied to the EU case, Husak, ibid., 20.<br />
178