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The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)

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Furthermore, as suggested by some authors, this weak role <strong>of</strong> the EP, Commission and<br />

CJEU was not compensated for by the intervention <strong>of</strong> national parliaments or courts. 253<br />

As a matter <strong>of</strong> fact, as Chalmers notes, these new arrangements allowed Member States<br />

to evade national political controls, e.g. national parliaments, while enacting legislation<br />

in <strong>criminal</strong> matters. 254 Thus, justice and police cooperation in <strong>criminal</strong> matters were<br />

almost completely reliant on Member States’ political will and unanimous votes causing<br />

discomfort in a domain where the rule <strong>of</strong> <strong>law</strong> and constitutional guarantees were<br />

strongly associated with the national level.<br />

Furthermore, besides this limited framework regarding accountability, transparency<br />

continued to be a main concern, as all stages <strong>of</strong> decision-making remained rather<br />

secretive during the Maastricht period. Indeed, the Council’s work continued to be<br />

carried out in a very reserved fashion; the decision making process at the working group<br />

level was equally guarded. 255 O’Keefe pointed out in 1996 how the structure <strong>of</strong> the K4<br />

Committee,<br />

“was and still is largely unknown, save to the specialists. Its subgroups meet in secret<br />

and are not subject to the ‘copious leaks’ which occur at community level and which are<br />

an unorthodox but practical way <strong>of</strong> remedying the information deficit.” 256<br />

<strong>The</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> transparency in the decision making process was further aggravated by the<br />

complex institutional arrangements set in place. This was mainly noteworthy again at<br />

the level <strong>of</strong> the coordinating Committee – K4 – but also in relation to the Schengen<br />

Group. 257 Both groups seemed to have wide and bureaucratic structures - the K4<br />

Committee, for example, was assisted by three Steering Committees, whilst Schengen<br />

was also assisted by several subgroups. 258<br />

253 C. Fijnaut, “Introduction to the Special Issue on Police Accountability in Europe” (2002) 12<br />

Policing and Society 243, 244.<br />

254 D. Chalmers, “Bureaucratic Europe”, supra note 234, 8-9.<br />

255 Of particular relevance to this issue see Chapter 1 to 4 in T. Bunyan, Secrecy & Openness in<br />

the <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong>, at http://www.statewatch.org/secret/freeinfo/index.html, last visited on 3<br />

August 2011.<br />

256 D. O’Keefe, “A critical View <strong>of</strong> the Third Pillar”, in A. Pauly (ed) De Schengen à Masstricht:<br />

voie royale et course d’obctacles (Maastricht: <strong>European</strong> Institute <strong>of</strong> Public Administration, 1996)<br />

1, 8.<br />

257 <strong>The</strong> Schengen area and cooperation remained at this stage outside the framework <strong>of</strong> the TEC<br />

and TEU(M), see for more details supra notes 59 and 194.<br />

258 <strong>The</strong> K4 Committee was thus assisted by several working groups: one was responsible for<br />

immigration and asylum issues; another for police and frontiers; whilst a third was responsible<br />

for civil and penal justice. Each <strong>of</strong> these steering committees was subdivided into further working<br />

groups. Hence the Steering Committee on immigration and asylum had six sub groups, whilst the<br />

Steering Committee on police and frontiers had seven sub groups, respectively on terrorism,<br />

police cooperation, drugs, Europol, organised crime, customs and cooperation. Finally, the sub<br />

72

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