The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)
The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)
The evolution of European Union criminal law (1957-2012)
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esponsible for the formalisation <strong>of</strong> the EU’s themes <strong>of</strong> interest whilst the roots <strong>of</strong> the<br />
conceptual framework <strong>of</strong> <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong> <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong> go back far before the<br />
introduction <strong>of</strong> justice and home affairs into the realm <strong>of</strong> the Treaties.<br />
Many <strong>of</strong> the measures that were adopted were responses to shocking crimes happening<br />
in Europe most <strong>of</strong> which had a transnational dimension. <strong>The</strong> focus on illegal<br />
immigration issues was arguably a reaction to the removal <strong>of</strong> internal borders, whilst the<br />
development <strong>of</strong> drug legislation was a response to increasing drug trafficking issues<br />
ravaging Europe since the 70s. 316 Furthermore, other specific events were clearly linked<br />
to the adoption <strong>of</strong> some measures, if not to their content as well. Chalmers pointed out<br />
this connection between crimes or political strains and legal reaction at EU level noting<br />
that<br />
“Spanish concern over the refusal <strong>of</strong> the Belgian court to extradite a suspected ETA<br />
terrorist led therefore to the La Gomera Declaration in 1995. Fights between the Dutch<br />
football fans in the Netherlands which resulted in the death <strong>of</strong> a Dutch national resulted<br />
in action on hooliganism. Belgian horror over the Marc Dutroux led to action on<br />
paedophilia and the exploitation <strong>of</strong> human beings.” 317<br />
Regardless <strong>of</strong> such almost-random or at least reactive sequences <strong>of</strong> events, there were<br />
common concerns underlying most <strong>of</strong> these measures. Thus, at this stage, it was possible<br />
to begin to grasp the defining features <strong>of</strong> EU <strong>criminal</strong> <strong>law</strong>. This is not to say there was a<br />
common EU penal policy – far from it, actually. Rather, what is suggested is that there<br />
were identifiable rationales embedded in the political and legal measures in <strong>European</strong><br />
<strong>Union</strong> <strong>criminal</strong> matters. This can clearly be derived from the text <strong>of</strong> most political<br />
declarations such as resolutions, Council conclusions, and action plans; or from the text<br />
<strong>of</strong> most legal measures, namely joint actions and conventions. <strong>The</strong> most obvious<br />
evidence <strong>of</strong> these was the wording <strong>of</strong> these texts and their preambles, the most symbolic<br />
and teleological part <strong>of</strong> any legal instrument. It is thus argued that during the Maastricht<br />
decade, two central rationales were embedded in a large number <strong>of</strong> the measures<br />
adopted: the fight against organised crime and the protection <strong>of</strong> EC interests and<br />
policies.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se narratives do not come across in a clear-cut manner, as the EU did not give<br />
guidance on what type <strong>of</strong> programmatic or ideological line, if any, should drive the EU’s<br />
316 V. Mitsilegas et al. <strong>The</strong> <strong>European</strong> <strong>Union</strong> and Internal Security, supra note 91, 24.<br />
317 D. Chalmers, “Bureaucratic Europe”, supra note 215, 9.<br />
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