2008_10_SRP_CornellKaraveli_Turkey
2008_10_SRP_CornellKaraveli_Turkey
2008_10_SRP_CornellKaraveli_Turkey
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54<br />
Svante E. Cornell and Halil Magnus Karaveli<br />
right tradition, what is lacking in the democratic equation of <strong>Turkey</strong> is a<br />
center-left which can credibly aspire to govern.<br />
The center-left alternative, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), has, at<br />
least temporarily, ideologically gone astray; as the Islamic conservatives<br />
turned to Europe, bewildered social democrats abandoned the Westernoriented<br />
tradition of which the CHP had been a promoter for nearly a<br />
century. CHP sought refuge in a marriage of secularism and anti-Western<br />
nationalism. In fact, the latter has limited appeal, as the election of 2007<br />
proved. The urban middle class, the traditional electoral base of the centerleft,<br />
is inherently pro-Western. There are signs that the ideological deviation<br />
of the CHP from its traditional course may prove to have been momentary;<br />
there is a growing realization among social democrats that the center-left has<br />
to make peace with Europe, and that it has to find ways of reaching out to the<br />
broader masses with innovative and viable social and economic policies. In<br />
fact, the history of CHP is not unpromising for the future: the party adapted<br />
itself to new circumstances, when it steered <strong>Turkey</strong>’s transition to<br />
democracy in 1950, and again in the 1970s, when it tuned in with the<br />
European social democracy, a liberal move at that juncture.<br />
Civilian secularism remains an untapped resource for a potential, modern left<br />
and/or liberalism of the European kind, indeed for <strong>Turkey</strong>’s democratization.<br />
The ideological inclinations of the secular middle class, of which a majority<br />
is opposed to military rule, refute the assumption that the embrace of the<br />
Atatürk legacy is tantamount to opposition to democracy.<br />
A possible reconciliation of the military and Islamic conservatism raises the<br />
specter of a less liberal <strong>Turkey</strong>. In contrast, and viewed optimistically, the<br />
aspiration of the Islamic conservatives to be ideologically all-embracing,<br />
hence moderates, and the strengthening of civilian, anti-authoritarian<br />
secularism would seem to converge to offer the prospect of democratic<br />
reconciliation.<br />
Yet, the record of the Islamic conservatives, their actual deeds so far is not<br />
encouraging. It is, after all, to ask a little too much of Islamic conservatism to<br />
expect it to become the safeguard of a secularism that confronts Islam itself<br />
by relegating religion to the private sphere. It may be that AKP leader Recep<br />
Tayyip Erdoğan really has changed, that he no longer thinks that “democracy