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Student Experiences of the Leaving Certificate Applied Programme

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9. DISCUSSION ANDPOLICY IMPLICATIONSThe practice <strong>of</strong> tracking (placing young people in different tracks orprogrammes), within <strong>the</strong> school system has been <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> muchresearch and policy debate internationally. Commentators in favour <strong>of</strong>tracking and curriculum differentiation have drawn on human capital<strong>the</strong>ory to highlight <strong>the</strong> way in which programmes that <strong>of</strong>fer access tovocational learning provide a safety-net for less academic young people byenhancing <strong>the</strong>ir skills and employability (Becker, 1975; Blossfeld, 1992;Shavit and Muller, 2000). In contrast, o<strong>the</strong>r commentators view tracking asa mechanism that leads to social reproduction; in o<strong>the</strong>r words, trackingincreases <strong>the</strong> degree <strong>of</strong> educational inequality since working-class youngpeople are diverted into programmes which more <strong>of</strong>ten than not lead toless skilled jobs (Gamoran and Mare, 1989; Iannelli, 1997; Iannelli andRaffe, 2007).Our research looks at how one form <strong>of</strong> tracking, <strong>the</strong> distinction between<strong>the</strong> LCA and o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Leaving</strong> <strong>Certificate</strong> programmes, shapes studentexperiences and outcomes. The findings indicate that <strong>the</strong> LCA programmeserves as a ‘safety-net’ for many young people while at <strong>the</strong> same timefacilitating social differentiation in student pathways. From a human capitalperspective, this research has shown how <strong>the</strong> LCA programme appears toenhance students’ chances <strong>of</strong> entering <strong>the</strong> labour market when <strong>the</strong>y leaveschool. In addition, it appears to act as a ‘safety-net’ for some students atrisk <strong>of</strong> dropping out by prolonging <strong>the</strong>ir time in school after junior cycleand preventing <strong>the</strong>m from leaving school early. The programme alsoappears to re-engage many students in schoolwork through its small classsizes and student-centred teaching methods.Theories <strong>of</strong> social reproduction can also be explored in looking at <strong>the</strong>LCA. By examining <strong>the</strong> social pr<strong>of</strong>ile <strong>of</strong> LCA entrants, it is evident that <strong>the</strong>programme disproportionately attracts students from working-classbackgrounds. There is evidence that some students are not challenged by<strong>the</strong> LCA curriculum, are restricted in terms <strong>of</strong> curriculum choice, and <strong>the</strong>irqualification limits <strong>the</strong>m in accessing third-level education. In terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>irlabour market outcomes, LCA leavers tend to enter more vulnerableoccupational sectors and are at greater risk <strong>of</strong> unemployment in <strong>the</strong>immediate post-school period compared with o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>Leaving</strong> <strong>Certificate</strong>groups. Thus, taking part in LCA may serve to limit <strong>the</strong> post-schooleducation and employment opportunities <strong>of</strong> working-class students inparticular. With <strong>the</strong>se issues in mind, this chapter aims to address <strong>the</strong> role<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> LCA as a ‘diversion’ or ‘safety net’ for young people and <strong>the</strong>implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> findings <strong>of</strong> this research for policy.144

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