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Student Experiences of the Leaving Certificate Applied Programme

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6 ENGAGING YOUNG PEOPLE?Figure 1.1: Rates <strong>of</strong> Youth Unemployment 1990-2005Source: Smyth (2007).1.4InternationalEmpirical andTheoreticalResearch onCurriculumDifferentiationThe previous section has indicated that <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> differentiating <strong>the</strong>curriculum has been apparent in <strong>the</strong> Irish context for quite some time. Inaddition, it has also outlined that <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> differentiating <strong>the</strong>curriculum at senior cycle has been motivated by labour market conditions,particularly in response to large-scale youth unemployment in <strong>the</strong> 1960sand 1970s. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature on curriculum differentiation derives from<strong>the</strong> United States, and within this literature, <strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> placing studentsaccording to ability or differentiating <strong>the</strong> curriculum for different groups <strong>of</strong>students is commonly referred to as ‘tracking’. Practices <strong>of</strong> ‘tracking’ and‘streaming’ are at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>oretical debates regarding education andinequality in <strong>the</strong> sociology <strong>of</strong> education. Much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> research on trackinghas focused on how tracks operate and how this affects students and restson two competing <strong>the</strong>ories: that <strong>of</strong> human capital <strong>the</strong>ory, and <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong>social reproduction. Human capital <strong>the</strong>ory views educational attainment,both academic and vocational, as an investment (Becker, 1975). It alsoviews <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> vocationally related education within second-leveleducation as a safety-net which retains less academic young people within <strong>the</strong>educational system and enhances <strong>the</strong>ir chances <strong>of</strong> finding employment asskilled workers. According to this view, vocational education equipsstudents with skills that can enhance <strong>the</strong>ir productivity on <strong>the</strong> job.Therefore, vocationally educated workers are in demand and <strong>the</strong>ir chances<strong>of</strong> gaining employment and decent wages are enhanced compared to thosewith lower levels <strong>of</strong> educational qualifications (see Blossfeld 1992 and anextension <strong>of</strong> this argument in Shavit and Muller 2000). Alternatively, o<strong>the</strong>rcommentators draw on <strong>the</strong>ories <strong>of</strong> class reproduction to argue thatproviding a differentiated curriculum is a mechanism for <strong>the</strong> reproduction <strong>of</strong>social inequality across generations. This view suggests that this system ‘sorts’working class people and socialises <strong>the</strong>m into subordinate roles. While thismay help people out <strong>of</strong> unemployment, <strong>the</strong> effects on o<strong>the</strong>r labour marketoutcomes (such as job security and status) may be less favourable (Iannelliand Raffe, 2007, p. 49). Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, this view holds that working-classstudents are typically placed in lower tracks which, in turn, reduce <strong>the</strong>irchances <strong>of</strong> attending university, and <strong>of</strong> subsequently entering <strong>the</strong>pr<strong>of</strong>essions and o<strong>the</strong>r high prestige occupations (Gamoran and Mare, 1989;Iannelli, 1997; Shavit, 1990).

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