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US Training of Death Squads in Iraq? - War Is A Crime .org

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Volcano Brigade. A police commando brigade, Volcano Brigade is dist<strong>in</strong>ct from the others bybe<strong>in</strong>g made up <strong>of</strong> Shiites loyal to the Badr Brigades. In 2005, this brigade began operat<strong>in</strong>g as adeath squad, openly <strong>in</strong>timidat<strong>in</strong>g civilians and target<strong>in</strong>g Sunnis for arrest and execution. It isthought to be the unit responsibly for a massacre <strong>of</strong> thirty-six Sunni men <strong>in</strong> Baghdad’s al-Hurriyah neighborhood <strong>in</strong> August 2005 and is greatly feared <strong>in</strong> Baghdad.Punishment Committee. A police unit, the Punishment Committee is known to harass—at thevery least—civilians, particularly Sunnis, accused <strong>of</strong> flout<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Is</strong>lamic law or the rul<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> Shiiteclerics.Maghawir Special Commando Brigades. Special commando units largely made up <strong>of</strong> veterans <strong>of</strong>the Saddam-era military, the Maghawir Special Commando Brigades are made up <strong>of</strong> about12,000 men <strong>in</strong> total. They have worked with U.S. forces <strong>in</strong> Najaf, Falluja, Ramadi, Mosul, andBaghdad, and are led by Maj. Gen. Flayih Muhammad. The brigades are known for both theireffectiveness and their brutality.Farook Brigade. A mostly Sunni Arab brigade that fought alongside U.S. forces <strong>in</strong> Ramadi andother places <strong>in</strong> Anbar prov<strong>in</strong>ce, this unit was disbanded when Jabr was appo<strong>in</strong>ted <strong>in</strong>teriorm<strong>in</strong>ister.Secret Investigative Unit. A police unit that has been accused <strong>of</strong> br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g Badrist militiamembers <strong>in</strong>to the police, the Secret Investigative Unit was housed at the bunker where U.S.forces found an Interior M<strong>in</strong>istry secret prison.ConclusionAssess<strong>in</strong>g the tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the ISF or creat<strong>in</strong>g metrics for stability <strong>in</strong> <strong>Iraq</strong> is a difficult task because<strong>of</strong> the many active groups and the fluidity with which <strong>in</strong>dividuals move between governmentsanctionedunits and private armed groups. As army and police units <strong>in</strong>crease and beg<strong>in</strong> todiversify, and as the black market for weapons and uniforms flourishes, it becomes harder toregulate legitimate units with<strong>in</strong> the security forces and to recognize militia members pos<strong>in</strong>g as<strong>Iraq</strong>i soldiers and policemen. While reduc<strong>in</strong>g the chaos <strong>in</strong> <strong>Iraq</strong> is prov<strong>in</strong>g to be an immensechallenge, the future stability <strong>of</strong> the country will depend on the success <strong>of</strong> ongo<strong>in</strong>g efforts on thepart <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Iraq</strong>i government and U.S. and coalition forces to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>tegrity <strong>of</strong> the ISF andelim<strong>in</strong>ate militias.Cecile Zwiebach was a research assistant at The Wash<strong>in</strong>gton Institute <strong>in</strong> 2005–2006.166

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