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THE CARBON WAR

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252<br />

The Winning of The Carbon War<br />

Volkswagen has been caught by the US Environmental Protection Agency<br />

cheating on emissions tests for diesel cars on a massive scale. The EPA alleges<br />

that the carmaker fitted nearly half a million VW and Audi vehicles with devices<br />

designed to bypass environmental standards. VW is issuing no denials. Today<br />

we read that the scandal has caused nearly a million tonnes of extra pollution<br />

from the 11 million cars apparently involved.<br />

The talk among the executives in my seminar group, before we start, is<br />

about whether we have heard all there is to hear about the scandal yet. Have<br />

other carmakers been involved in this kind of fraud? The suspicion is that<br />

they have.<br />

The stakes are existential, in more ways than one. A recent study from<br />

the Max Planck Institute shows that more people die prematurely from air<br />

pollution than from malaria and HIV/Aids combined: 3 million people each<br />

year. Most of these are from wood and coal burning, but a significant minority<br />

derive from auto emissions. It is easy to imagine the class actions that must be<br />

on the drawing boards of law firms today. Can VW hope to survive, when all<br />

the accounting is done?<br />

The wider implications are clear. VW, or some gang of suitably senior<br />

executives therein, has somehow been willing to engage in criminal acts in<br />

order to maintain a lie about diesel vehicles being better in terms of emissions,<br />

including greenhouse-gas emissions.<br />

Another report points to a bigger context: 48 of the world’s hundred<br />

largest industrial companies are actively obstructing climate legislation. They<br />

may be doing so via lobbying tactics that are currently legal. But will such<br />

tactics remain legal? And if not, what future retrospective legal action might<br />

this group of companies, and their directors, potentially face?<br />

My audience today will be weighing such considerations very carefully<br />

in the times ahead.<br />

BP tops the list of the points table of corporate climate-legislation saboteurs.<br />

In Europe, for example, it joined with Shell to craft a winning formula<br />

for the scrapping of the EU’s renewable energy and energy efficiency goals,<br />

in favour of a single greenhouse gas target for 2030 that could be met by an<br />

increased use of natural gas. The two companies are taking heavy flak already<br />

over this kind of behaviour. Shell has just quit the Prince of Wales’s Corporate<br />

Leaders Group of Climate Change. It is not clear whether they jumped, or were<br />

pushed, or jumped ahead of the growing probability of being pushed.<br />

ExxonMobil needs to worry too: perhaps more so than BP and Shell.<br />

New evidence has emerged that they knew about the problems associated with

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