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THE CARBON WAR

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58<br />

The Winning of The Carbon War<br />

Caroline’s main motivation for protesting at Balcombe. Or I could major on<br />

the increasingly clear downsides of fracking for drinking water quality. Or<br />

I could talk about the ruinous economics of the US shale. Or maybe try to<br />

squeeze them all in.<br />

It is the economics that is the fastest-emerging story. Bloomberg has<br />

reported that independent oil and gas companies will this year be spending<br />

$1.50 drilling for every dollar of income from oil and gas sales. This is the<br />

case despite the high-price oil ameliorating the low-price gas in the mix of<br />

hydrocarbons that the companies sell. Even the Oil and Gas Journal, a stalwart<br />

industry defender, has noticed that there might be a problem. They report $35<br />

billion of write-offs in shale investments by 15 of the main drillers, observing<br />

in an editorial that this raises “financial questions”.<br />

How very astute of them. People worried about their pensions being<br />

wasted would have been quite as justified in protesting at Balcombe as Greens<br />

worried about climate change. Maybe that is the point I should make. After all,<br />

much of the rich south of England votes Conservative, and many Conservatives<br />

do not seem able to worry about climate change.<br />

Journalists writing the Financial Times’s Lex Column are now among<br />

those scanning ahead for victims of the potential shale train wreck in the States.<br />

“Are US LNG export terminals the next expensive flop in energy?”, they ask. LNG<br />

stands for liquefied natural gas. Gas has to be liquefied for export by tanker.<br />

Members of Congress are clamouring for faster approval of permits for LNG<br />

terminals so that US natural gas can be sold into global markets. Yet the first<br />

such terminal will not become operational until 2015, at a cost of around $10<br />

billion. Builders of later terminals, still in planning, will have plenty of time in<br />

which to risk stranding their multi-billion dollar investments.<br />

Art Berman, an insider veteran of the US shale saga, a member of the<br />

Transatlantic Energy Security Dialogue, is perhaps the most forthright of the<br />

critics in America. Production from shale is not a revolution, he says, it’s a<br />

retirement party. The truth of the matter is that the industry has to make such<br />

a big deal out of shale because it’s all that it has left. Where does it go once the<br />

shale story is done?<br />

But the industry hype just seems to forge on, seemingly oblivious to all<br />

this evidence, and increasingly damning commentary on it by elements of the<br />

financial and trade press. It is helped in this by geopolitical context. Russia<br />

has seized the Crimea, and Russian-backed rebels are making moves on other<br />

regions of Ukraine. The Republicans are desperate, as a consequence, to deploy<br />

something they call the “oil-and-gas weapon”. US Congress experts have touted

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