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Future of an Ageing Population

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In general, evidence suggests that m<strong>an</strong>y <strong>of</strong> the ch<strong>an</strong>ges in family structure<br />

observed over recent decades will continue into the future 133 . An import<strong>an</strong>t<br />

policy issue is how traditional assumptions <strong>of</strong> care <strong>an</strong>d support in later life hold<br />

for the growing plurality <strong>of</strong> family structures. Evidence suggests that, within the<br />

complex family structures which result from marital disruption <strong>an</strong>d remarriage,<br />

lines <strong>of</strong> responsibilities become blurred or uncertain between generations. US<br />

research, for example, has suggested that parental divorce <strong>an</strong>d step-family<br />

formation has negative effects on the support that adult children provide to<br />

their parents in old age. In addition there is a strong gender dynamic with<br />

adult children having lower contact with divorced fathers <strong>an</strong>d higher contact<br />

with divorced mothers when compared with married parents, so that divorced<br />

fathers (in the US at least) receive the lowest level <strong>of</strong> personal care from their<br />

children 134 .<br />

There is also limited evidence on the impact <strong>of</strong> childlessness on care <strong>an</strong>d<br />

support across the life course. A related, unresolved, question is how the future<br />

care needs <strong>of</strong> older people without children c<strong>an</strong> be met within communities<br />

<strong>an</strong>d society. This question is also import<strong>an</strong>t for those people whose children<br />

have care needs themselves, or whose children are unable to <strong>of</strong>fer unpaid<br />

care due to health, wealth, family relationships or dist<strong>an</strong>ce. Evidence from<br />

the Netherl<strong>an</strong>ds suggests that while childless older people have smaller care<br />

networks, they have more disposable income with which to purchase paid<br />

care 135 . Furthermore it may be argued that childless individuals adapt across<br />

the life course <strong>an</strong>d develop social alternatives to children 136 .<br />

Finally, it is unclear over the following decades the extent to which mainstream<br />

ch<strong>an</strong>ges in British society will also impact upon minority families, <strong>an</strong>d how<br />

this will differ between ethnicities. A key question is whether minority<br />

ethnic families will follow the path <strong>of</strong> “individualisation” (rising patterns <strong>of</strong><br />

cohabitation, divorce, fewer children, lone parenting) that is increasingly<br />

characterising white majority families, with unknown implications for provision<br />

<strong>of</strong> care <strong>an</strong>d wellbeing in specific ethnic groups.<br />

Policy Implication<br />

In parallel to ageing, the UK population is experiencing a growth in the<br />

plurality <strong>of</strong> family structures. There is limited evidence on the impact<br />

heterogeneous family types may have on import<strong>an</strong>t issues relating to<br />

ageing, especially later life caring responsibilities. Underst<strong>an</strong>ding this is a<br />

priority for underst<strong>an</strong>ding the resilience <strong>of</strong> UK care policies.<br />

P69

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