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art-e-conomy _ reader - marko stamenkovic

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132<br />

set out in their 1992 book, Reinventing Government – How the Entrepreneurial Spirit<br />

is Transforming the Public Sector.<br />

There is an ironic contradiction between neo-liberal rhetoric – trust business<br />

rather than government – and the governmental processes through which the aims<br />

of corporate business are realised. In effect, governments sponsor neo-liberalisation<br />

rather than business sponsoring progressive change in delivery of public goods cultural<br />

or otherwise. My final example of the process is the European Capital – formerly City<br />

- of Culture programme, promoted by the EU.<br />

The annual European City of Culture, inaugurated in the 1980s, was a means of<br />

celebrating universally acknowledged great cities. In 1985 it was Athens, in 1986<br />

Florence, in 1987 Amsterdam, in 1988 Berlin, in 1989 Paris. Then, in 1990 it was<br />

Glasgow – Glasgow? If it had been Edinburgh or London, nobody would have been<br />

surprised: but Glasgow! The selection of Glasgow signalled a turning point in the<br />

competition. No longer was it merely about honouring what already existed; it had<br />

become about something new, about regeneration. Glasgow had been famed in the<br />

past for its shipbuilding and, indeed, radical politics. By the 1980s, it was in a terrible<br />

state, a decrepit place of de-industrialisation and mass unemployment.<br />

Debate over Glasgow’s year as European City of Culture still goes on. The rebranded<br />

Glasgow is now said to be second only to London in the British Isles for shopping.<br />

58,000 of its inhabitants are employed in what is loosely categorised as tourism<br />

whereas building ships, even at its height, employed only 38,000. Yet, Glasgow<br />

contains the three poorest constituencies in Britain where life expectancy is more than<br />

ten years below the national average. It might be concluded from such contrasting<br />

evidence that cultural policy is no substitute for social policy.<br />

A distinctive but seldom mentioned feature of neo-liberal development is to translate<br />

issues of social policy into questions of cultural policy. And, in its turn, cultural policy<br />

ceases to be specifically about culture at all. The predominant rationale for cultural<br />

policy today is economic, in terms of competitiveness and regeneration; and, to a<br />

lesser extent social, as an implausible palliative to exclusion and poverty. A similar<br />

process to the paradigmatic case of Glasgow is occurring with regard to Britain’s<br />

designated European Capital of Culture for 2008, Liverpool.<br />

Similarly to Glasgow, the port of Liverpool on the Mersey Estuary in the North West<br />

of England experienced a precipitate decline in the post-Second World War period.<br />

Its population has fallen by over half, from 850,000 to 400,000. So, it was not just<br />

a place for the Beatles to leave. On every index of deprivation, with the possible<br />

exception of culture, Liverpool scores highly. Like Glasgow, however, Liverpool has an<br />

impressive mercantile heritage of architecture and bourgeois <strong>art</strong>s venues as well as<br />

a great tradition of popular culture. It might also lay claim to being the oldest multi<br />

cultural city in Britain, with a longstanding relation to the Atlantic’s black diaspora<br />

(Gilroy, 1993) as well Irish and other Celtic communities.<br />

The Liverpool Culture Company has great plans for 2008. There are major flagship<br />

developments such as the ‘Fourth Grace’, a futuristic centre for <strong>art</strong> and culture on<br />

the waterfront; the Paradise Street retail development; and a new tram system. The<br />

Capital of Culture programme has multiple purposes of which the Culture Company is<br />

well aware; so urban development for economic growth is combined with strategies for

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