art-e-conomy _ reader - marko stamenkovic

therefore, raises the rate of economic growth of an economy as a whole, so that it is an
argument in favour of both the policy of equality and the policy of economic growth.
International financial institutions must reconsider their policy and the impact of
such policy on women, as well as all those most marginalised groups, rather than merely
supporting education and training for women, increasing and facilitating the possibility
of access to loans. The problem of such policy does not lie in loans. The problem of such
policy does not lie in its goals regarding the reduction in budget deficit, higher growth
rate etc., but in policy measures taken in order to realised these and other goals, which
may deteriorate income allocation and poverty levels.
For example, reduction in state expenditure often results in budget cuts in all sectors
where strong political resistance is absent. At the same time, the costs of the elite and the
army are protected, both in terms of wider and more efficient budget support, and in terms
of higher marginal tax rate. Tax reform can, for example, be more easily implemented when
it is formulated originally in the country itself, and then supported by international financial
institutions. Transfer of tax relevance from value added tax to income tax and from real
estate tax to a progressive taxation system will mean a relatively higher taxation of men
than women, as men’s income is relatively higher than women’s. Currency devaluation
also disfavours women, as imported consumer goods become more expensive, which
has impact on women in the role of household supplies buyers.
Multilateral institutions such as World Trade Organisation and North American Free
Trade Agreement, which are also responsible for the environment in which women are
acting, must also reconsider the impact of their policies on women. Trade policy must be
evaluated as successful in terms of social justice, not only in terms of economics. Although
all the countries of the world have agreed to a set of political measures of promoting
gender equality adopted at the Peking conference in 1995, and many of them have taken
serious measures in implementing the goals of gender equality, trade policy often remains
gender blind. Trade agreements should therefore be completed with total social impact,
impact on the environment including the differentiated impacts on men and women. The
WIDE (Women in Development Europe) have therefore proposed indicators for monitoring
trade agreements from gender perspective in terms of whether increased trade levels and
trade patterns assist in reducing gender gap or not. A tool proposed for this purpose is
calculating trade elasticities of gender inequality over time. These elasticities should be
focussed not only on gender inequality of export wages, but also in relation to employment
and gender levels in the domestic economic sector affected by customs duty reductions.
Moreover, the trade elasticity of the gender inequality must also consider the gender impact
of trade such as women’s health condition or childcare. Finally, it must be insisted that
women’s labour rights cannot be separated from their rights as equal citizens. Very little
can be achieved if the elimination of job discrimination is not supported by encouraging
the right to education, and also if the demands for equal wage for equal quality of work
is not supported by women’s right to control their wages.
In answering the question of what contribution feminists can make to development in
the context of globalisation, it is useful to regard the concepts of gender and globalisation
multidimensionally. Significant critique which then emerges is the critique of the perspective,
that of white, western-oriented middle class woman. This perspective is also present in the
theories within women’s studies, empowering thus the feminists to perceive themselves
as belonging to a homogenous category. However, gender is also a differentiated category
49