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WEST KIMBERLEY PLACE REPORT - Department of Sustainability ...

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The shell was gathered by 'dry shelling' or 'reefing' at low tides. In the past, the double<br />

log raft was used to visit <strong>of</strong>fshore reefs to collect shell. Today Aboriginal people<br />

source their shell from pearl farm operators with whom they have an arrangement, or<br />

still go out on the reefs to harvest them.<br />

Pearl shell has a variety <strong>of</strong> uses ranging from the decorative to the secret, including<br />

personal adornment, rain making, the denoting <strong>of</strong> status, initiation, and in magic and<br />

sorcery (Akerman and Stanton 1994). It is a key component in the traditional systems<br />

<strong>of</strong> justice <strong>of</strong> Kimberley people, it figures in their religious narratives <strong>of</strong> the Dreaming,<br />

it is depicted in Kimberley rock art, and it is a component <strong>of</strong> the regalia used in<br />

traditional performances <strong>of</strong> song and dance (Doohan and Bornman 2009).<br />

Throughout the Kimberley, men and women use small blades, discs and crescents <strong>of</strong><br />

pearl shell for personal adornment. The Bardi use whole shell as 'phallocrypts' (pubic<br />

covers) in ceremonial dance and the Nyikina suspend them from a frame to attract<br />

rain. The Bardi and Nyul Nyul use plain and engraved shells as emblems for<br />

initiation, to signify status, in ceremony and law. The Worrorra use it in law and for<br />

ornamentation, and the Wunambal use fragments for ornamentation and in men's<br />

ritual performance, law and justice (McCarthy 1939). The Forrest River people use<br />

engraved fragments in medicine and sorcery (McCarthy 1939). While pearl shell<br />

objects may be used in a public or pr<strong>of</strong>ane domain where women and the uninitiated<br />

can see and handle them, there are other uses <strong>of</strong> these shells that are closed and may<br />

only be discussed by initiated men. The pearl shell may move from the pr<strong>of</strong>ane world<br />

into the sphere <strong>of</strong> the secret-sacred and then be returned to the secular arena at the<br />

conclusion <strong>of</strong> ceremonies (Akerman et al. 2010).<br />

McCarthy identified seven trade trunk routes related to the 'barter, exchange and<br />

distributions <strong>of</strong> boomerangs, ochre, pitjuri, pearl and baler shells' (McCarthy 1939,<br />

104). Of all these routes, the Kimberley pearl shell and Cape York baler shell were<br />

the most extensive: 'The distribution <strong>of</strong> pearl and baler phallocrypts and ornaments<br />

forms the most remarkable example <strong>of</strong> distant trading relationships in Australia'<br />

(McCarthy 1939, 92).<br />

Within the Kimberley, pearl shell is part <strong>of</strong> a regional exchange system known as<br />

wurnan to Worrorra, Wunambal, Gaambera, Ngarinyin and Kwini language groups<br />

[also known as anngarr or rubarn to the Bardi-Jawi (Bagshaw 1999) and yinyili to<br />

the Yawuru and Karajarri (Akerman et al. 2010)]. This exchange network,<br />

documented in the earliest ethnographic accounts, continues to be <strong>of</strong> major<br />

significance to Kimberley Aboriginal people today as part <strong>of</strong> their economic and ritual<br />

life (Doohan and Bornman 2009).<br />

* * * *<br />

'All us Kimberley Aborigines are connected through the wurnan. This is how we trade<br />

one thing or another right across the Kimberley and down into the desert. All sorts <strong>of</strong><br />

things, not just secret thing, but meat and sugar-bag, clothes and motorcars and money<br />

too…We send back jaguli, pearl shell. Other people might ask me to bring white<br />

ochre from my country for painting a background…'(quote from Paddy Neowarra<br />

cited in Redmond 2001, 187).<br />

* * * *<br />

104

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