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WEST KIMBERLEY PLACE REPORT - Department of Sustainability ...

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wurnan ensuring members <strong>of</strong> Wadoy marry the sisters <strong>of</strong> Junkun and vice versa. The<br />

wurnan also requires people to share their resources with one another, and a man is<br />

said to be following the wurnan when he honours his responsibility to look after his<br />

wife's family. In its expression as a regional sharing system and trade network, men<br />

pass items (both sacred and secular) to men whose local countries are 'side by side'<br />

with theirs in the wurnan. The passage <strong>of</strong> trade goods along the wurnan is viewed as<br />

the passage <strong>of</strong> goods in space from Wanjina to Wanjina (Blundell et al. 2009).<br />

* * * *<br />

'Wodoi and Djingun, one a colourful and one a grey Nightjar Man, symbolically<br />

defined and enacted the basic, and the most important social law, the Law <strong>of</strong> Wunnan.<br />

The marriage and sharing rules in this law ensured sound breeding, peaceful sharing<br />

<strong>of</strong> resources and cultural knowledge' (Mowaljarlai and Malnic 1993, 143)<br />

* * * *<br />

In order to maintain their traditions and sustain the ongoing cycle <strong>of</strong> life, members <strong>of</strong><br />

the Wanjina-Wunggurr community engage in a range <strong>of</strong> ritual practices established in<br />

the Lalai. While members <strong>of</strong> the Wanjina-Wunggurr community believe that the<br />

Wanjina 'put' themselves onto rock surfaces as paintings, they also believe that as the<br />

human descendents <strong>of</strong> these Wanjina, it is their duty to maintain the 'brightness' or<br />

'freshness' <strong>of</strong> the paintings by 're-touching' them with charcoal and pigments<br />

(Mowarjarli and Malnic 1993; Redmond 2001; Blundell and Woolagoodja 2005;<br />

Blundell et al. 2009). By keeping the paintings 'fresh' the world will remain fertile –<br />

the annual rains arrive, plants and animals will reproduce, and child spirits will<br />

remain available in whirlpools and waterholes throughout the Wanjina-Wunggurr<br />

homeland.<br />

Referring to Western views <strong>of</strong> the Wanjina paintings as ‘art’, the late Ngarinyin man,<br />

David Mowaljarlai has written that:<br />

* * * *<br />

'Rock pictures… should be seen not as art, but as images with energies that keep us<br />

alive. They were made during the Dreamtime, and it was necessary that the<br />

community…look after the images so that life on earth will continue' (Mowaljarlai<br />

1988, 8).<br />

* * * *<br />

By maintaining the paintings, senior men contribute their share to the maintenance<br />

and reproduction <strong>of</strong> an ordered world (Blundell 1982). Visits to these places also<br />

provide an opportunity for Traditional Owners to pass on their distinct cosmological<br />

and religious belief system to the next generation. Capricious and harmful spirits who<br />

also have their paintings at Wanjina rock art sites are a constant reminder <strong>of</strong> the<br />

disorder that failure to follow traditional laws can bring (Blundell et al. 2009).<br />

Contemporary works <strong>of</strong> art also provide the Wanjina-Wunggurr society with a vehicle<br />

to maintain and transmit their belief system to younger members <strong>of</strong> their society.<br />

There is a rich ethnographic record <strong>of</strong> the religious beliefs and traditions <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Wanjina-Wunggurr people including the practice <strong>of</strong> re-touching Wanjina images,<br />

beginning in the 1920s with Reverend J. R. B. Love who observed two senior<br />

Worrorra men paint a 'fresh' Wanjina over some very faded paintings (Love 1930,<br />

208

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