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WEST KIMBERLEY PLACE REPORT - Department of Sustainability ...

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'Perhaps most significantly, station work was in many ways compatible with cultural<br />

and traditional activities. Aboriginal people working on pastoral stations were able to<br />

live on, travel around and take care <strong>of</strong> their traditional lands. Stockmen 'were<br />

strategically placed to ensure a continuing say about disturbance to particular sites in<br />

their country'. (WA <strong>Department</strong> <strong>of</strong> Primary Industry 2008)<br />

* * * *<br />

Some Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory trace their ancestry and rights to<br />

other places. This is comparable to the situation in the Kimberley, with the movement<br />

<strong>of</strong> desert people from the south into the pastoral industry in the Fitzroy catchment and<br />

beyond, Aboriginal people across the north adapted to the movement imposed by<br />

pastoralism by incorporating more distant relations within their closer kin<br />

relationships (Allbrook and Jebb 2009; Rose 1991).<br />

Smith (2000) provides a basis for comparative analysis <strong>of</strong> the pastoral industry across<br />

the north <strong>of</strong> Australia that highlights the poor living conditions and harsh treatment <strong>of</strong><br />

Aboriginal pastoral workers in the Kimberley and Northern Territory. A 1951<br />

Commonwealth survey shows that rations were the principal payment for Aboriginal<br />

work in both regions; these were hugely deficient and this situation did not improve<br />

for twenty years, even after minimum standards were introduced nationally in 1952<br />

(Smith 2000, 80-92). Comparatively speaking, work and living conditions in the<br />

Northern Territory were 'no better, nor worse than those upon other stations through<br />

the Territory and East and West Kimberley' (Rose 1991, 145).<br />

From the 1960s, new government payments and pensions for Aboriginal workers<br />

were paid directly to station bosses. Like the previous ration system, these payments<br />

ensured a dependent workforce and were open to abuse. In some instances payments<br />

supplemented the incomes <strong>of</strong> stations and made it more pr<strong>of</strong>itable to have dependants<br />

than employees (Rose 1991; Jebb 2002).<br />

Equal wages for Aboriginal pastoral workers was legislated nationally in 1969,<br />

although this was not fully implemented in the Kimberley until 1972. For Aboriginal<br />

pastoral workers nationally, this decision led to the majority <strong>of</strong> Aboriginal people<br />

voluntarily or involuntarily leaving pastoral stations. In the north for a variety <strong>of</strong><br />

reasons, some people left immediately, as occurred at Wave Hill in the Northern<br />

Territory, while others left later, for example, at Victoria River Downs and Humbert<br />

River in the Northern Territory in 1972 and Mt Elizabeth Station in the Kimberley in<br />

1995 (Allbrook and Jebb 2009, Bird Rose 1991). Many workers feared and some<br />

were threatened, that if they left the stations on their traditional lands, they would not<br />

be able to return (Allbrook and Jebb 2009, Rose 1991).<br />

In 1972, the Commonwealth Government purchased Panter Downs (Pantijan) in the<br />

north Kimberley, vesting this station with the Mowanjum Community, followed by<br />

Noonkanbah in 1976. 'Many Aboriginal people in the Kimberley continue to identify<br />

as 'station people' and have a strong sense <strong>of</strong> identity and ongoing relationship with<br />

pastoral stations as owners and managers' (Allbrook and Jebb 2009). Today,<br />

approximately 25 per cent <strong>of</strong> Kimberley pastoral stations are held by Aboriginal<br />

interests (KLC 2009).<br />

128

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