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speech and respect - College of Social Sciences and International ...

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Dichotomising Continua, Denying Ambiguity<br />

<strong>and</strong> audience can render an otherwise <strong>of</strong>fensive message merely<br />

silly. Each year thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> Germans dress up as Indians, Huns,<br />

Vikings, <strong>and</strong> Africans for the Cologne pre-Lenten Karneval. Some<br />

groups call themselves man-eaters, jungle brothers, <strong>and</strong> cannibals<br />

<strong>and</strong> wear blackface. With typical Teutonic thoroughness one man<br />

visits American Indian reservations every other year to buy artifacts<br />

<strong>and</strong> learn more about the culture. "Indians ... say 'You're European.<br />

Go be Vikings.' They think we're crazy. . . . Hey, I can't help<br />

it. I just don't dream about being a Bavarian." 48<br />

Law is the construction <strong>of</strong> boundaries, which always are over- <strong>and</strong><br />

under-inclusive. But when the state regulates <strong>speech</strong>, every categorisation<br />

is a hard case, not just those at the edge. Bans against<br />

pornography, hate <strong>speech</strong>, or blasphemy are forced to admit exceptions<br />

for politics, art, literature, <strong>and</strong> scholarship that are capable <strong>of</strong><br />

engulfing the rule. Aesthetic criteria are inescapably political. All<br />

symbols are irreducibly ambiguous. Context, history, identity,<br />

audience, relationship, <strong>and</strong> motive can invert the moral quality <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>speech</strong>. But law decontextualises, aspires to universalism, <strong>and</strong> finds<br />

motive hopelessly elusive.<br />

///. Confused Consequentialism<br />

Because utilitarianism is the dominant contemporary justification for<br />

criminal justice—indeed, the foundation <strong>of</strong> the modern state—the<br />

regulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>speech</strong> requires consequentialist arguments. 49 Robin<br />

Morgan gave the feminist campaign against pornography a central<br />

slogan: "pornography is the theory, <strong>and</strong> rape the practice." 50 The<br />

first newsletter <strong>of</strong> Women Against Violence in Pornography <strong>and</strong><br />

Media cited convicted rapists' recollections <strong>of</strong> being aroused by<br />

pornography to argue that "even the most banal pornography<br />

objectifies women's bodies. An essential ingredient <strong>of</strong> much rape<br />

<strong>and</strong> other forms <strong>of</strong> violence to women is the 'objectification' <strong>of</strong> the<br />

woman." 51 Judith Bat-Ada contended: "Saturation with straightforward<br />

female sexual stimulus leads slowly but inevitably to the<br />

need for, <strong>and</strong> the acceptance <strong>of</strong>, such things as child molestation,<br />

incest, <strong>and</strong> sexual violence." 52 All the empirical research actually<br />

finds, however, is that exposure to violent images elicits aggresive<br />

feelings, not acts; <strong>and</strong> sexualising violence has no independent<br />

effect. 53 Supporting bills pending in Massachusetts <strong>and</strong> the U.S.<br />

Congress (despite the unconstitutionality <strong>of</strong> the Indianapolis ordinance),<br />

Catherine MacKinnon argued:<br />

93

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