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AMS Philadelphia 2009 Abstracts - American Musicological Society

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<strong>Abstracts</strong> sunday morning 179<br />

a thriving business printing books for the musical amateur. The solution Playford and his successors<br />

found for the practical difficulties of music printing—the expense of the process and<br />

relatively limited market—was to concentrate on repertory they were confident of selling,<br />

predominantly producing multi-composer anthologies of popular tunes and songs for the<br />

domestic market, in which the repertory and practical uses to which the music could be put<br />

were more significant than the identity of the composers. Since intellectual property rights<br />

were not recognized at the time, composers had little or no say in what appeared in print and<br />

may have benefited little from the publication of their music in such volumes.<br />

In this context, it is significant that some composers, including Purcell, undertook the<br />

financial risk of self-publishing some of their music without the involvement of a stationer.<br />

Analysis of music books of this sort produced in England in the latter half of the seventeenth<br />

century suggests that self-publication was undertaken for a number of quite specific purposes.<br />

The books include the only operatic scores published in England during the seventeenth century:<br />

Locke’s The english opera of 1675, Grabu’s Albion and Albanius of 1687, and Purcell’s The<br />

Prophetess of 1691. None of these substantial volumes had an obvious practical use, and they<br />

all sold poorly, but it is clear that the motive for publication was not primarily commercial, at<br />

least for Locke and Grabu: rather they used the medium of print to make a statement about<br />

their works’ status, as the title of Locke’s score suggests. Purcell’s print of The Prophetess was<br />

in turn intended as a response to Grabu’s score, allowing him to claim the status of England’s<br />

national theatre composer. So why was this score singled out among the three as a renowned<br />

commercial disaster to which reference was still being made eleven years later?<br />

To discover why The Prophetess earned this reputation, this paper considers closely the surviving<br />

copies of the score, Purcell’s own response to his publication, and the broader context<br />

of his self-publishing activities, thus uncovering the extent of his very personal involvement<br />

in the production of the print. The evidence suggests that—despite the clear links between<br />

his score and those of Locke and Grabu—Purcell was confused about the distinct and mutually<br />

exclusive functions of music printing in the period, which led him to misunderstand<br />

how he might appropriate the medium for his own benefit, a failure that perhaps indicates<br />

that his transition from traditional employment to musical entrepreneur did not run entirely<br />

smoothly.<br />

“AN ANTIDOTE AGAINST MELANCHOLY”:<br />

DECODING HIDDEN ROYALIST PROPAGANDA<br />

JoAnn Taricani<br />

University of Washington<br />

The well-known collection titled Wit and Mirth, or, Pills to Purge Melancholy is celebrated<br />

as a repository of entertaining songs. Edited and published by Thomas D’Urfey in 1719–20,<br />

its six volumes contained over 1,100 songs, the tunes of which subsequently acquired new life<br />

in satiric ballad operas produced in 1730s London.<br />

The roots of this massive collection are found in a 1661 poetic miscellany titled An Antidote<br />

against Melancholy: Made up in PiLLS. The relationship of this miscellany to Wit and Mirth<br />

has been variously interpreted, but a clear chain of editions links the two publications. However,<br />

the original political significance of this corpus of British song has been unacknowledged<br />

in scholarly literature. Its cheerful poetic surface hides the passionate political undertone of its<br />

publisher, the Royalist sympathizer John Playford, who disguised his identity with a cipher.

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