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AMS Philadelphia 2009 Abstracts - American Musicological Society

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<strong>Abstracts</strong> saturday morning 117<br />

extensive revisions gave rise to the texts now known as Ordo Romanus 2, 3, 4, etc., and many<br />

other medieval authors demonstrate knowledge of and dependence upon these texts.<br />

Ordo Romanus 1 is not well known today because there are no competent modern translations<br />

in any language. The Latin is rude and obscure, showing why the Carolingian Renaissance<br />

was needed, and the many variants are problematic. But the first modern English translation<br />

is now in preparation, and this paper grows out of that project. Comparison of the original<br />

text with its many variants, adaptations, and revisions illustrates some of the changes that took<br />

place as Roman chant was acclimatized in the north. The Roman schola cantorum consisted<br />

of boy singers, assisted by adult paraphonistae and subdeacons, but adaptations in other parts<br />

of Europe redistributed some roles and job titles differently, even eliminating the boys. For<br />

the responsorial and antiphonal chants of the Proper of the Mass, as well as the Kyrie and<br />

Agnus Dei, the original text reports practices and terminology that were altered in the course<br />

of transmission; it is the revised and adapted forms that are closer to the familiar medieval<br />

Gregorian chant. Some of the later manuscripts even introduce obvious Gallican practices,<br />

such as the singing of laudes litanies in honor of the bishop celebrating the Mass. The result is<br />

a completely new window on the historical processes by which Roman chant was brought to<br />

the Frankish world and became Gregorian chant. And since many variants and revisions can<br />

be connected to specific regions or places, we can observe the Carolingian synthesis making<br />

its way across Europe with unprecedented detail.<br />

THE OKTOECHOS AND CAROLINGIAN<br />

ARCHITECTURE: NEW EVIDENCE<br />

Michel Huglo<br />

Paris, CNRS; University of Maryland, College Park<br />

Circa 786, when Charlemagne’s new octagonal Palatine chapel began to replace his father<br />

Pippin’s basilica, other changes of major consequence were in preparation. Charlemagne had<br />

met Alcuin, who would join his court in 786 to implement the educational reforms that<br />

were expressed in the king’s Admonitio generalis of 789. In this decade, Charlemagne’s politics<br />

turned eastwards—he challenged the abolition of images in the Eastern Church and sought to<br />

restore unity to Christendom through a projected marriage to the Byzantine Empress, Irene.<br />

My purpose here is to demonstrate that music was also a central concern at this time, and that<br />

the importation of the octoechos from Byzantium, or possibly Jerusalem, under Charlemagne,<br />

whose advisors titled him “David,” was not only part of the plan to reform psalmody, but also<br />

found its manifestation in the architectural plan of his octagonal chapel.<br />

It is known that Angilbert, abbot of St.-Riquier since 790, had the “Psalter of Charlemagne”<br />

prepared for the king’s visit (with Alcuin) to St.-Riquier on Easter Sunday, 19 April<br />

800. A short tonary copied at the end of the psalter after the Laudes regiae implies that the<br />

octoechos had already been introduced in the West: the names of the tones are transliterated<br />

from Greek, but the order is Western. Indeed, as a consequence of Charlemagne’s politics,<br />

seventeen Byzantine embassies came to Aachen, where Byzantine liturgical celebrations took<br />

place. Thus, the West received the “system of the eight tones,” with their intonation formulas,<br />

Noeane, Noeagis.<br />

Charlemagne’s octagonal plan for his chapel was evidently important, because it replaced<br />

the model of St. Peter in Rome. As the ninth-century inscription encircling the inside of the<br />

octagon reads, the chapel was built entirely on a plan of even numbers. The numbers underlie

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