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Lima Arbitration

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GUILLERMO AGUILAR ÁLVAREZ / WILLIAM W. PARK<br />

NAFTA decisions, and in a burst of fervor proclaimed, «This is nuts!... We<br />

must stand together to protect the sovereignty of American laws.» 102<br />

A recent indication of American discontent with the NAFTA model for<br />

investment dispute resolution came in response to legislative efforts to extend<br />

trade benefits to Latin American countries. The Chairman of the Senate Finance<br />

Committee wrote to the Bush Administration endorsing attempts to<br />

deny foreign investors any substantive rights not given to American investors,<br />

to establish an appellate review of NAFTA awards, 103 and to support government<br />

screening of arbitration requests to reduce the prospect that trade disputes<br />

would be examined by arbitrators. 104<br />

While not all legislators accepted the wisdom of such measures, 105 some<br />

went even further. Senator Kerry of Massachusetts proposed amendments to<br />

the Andean Trade Preferences Act which would have given the investor state<br />

102<br />

145 Cong. Rec. H7368 (Aug. 5, 1999) (statement of Rep. Shows). Congressman Tierney<br />

(Massachusetts) expressed concern that the pace of globalization might result in «sacrificing<br />

state and local laws at the altar of ill-defined international investor rights.» Id. Congressman<br />

Shows (Mississippi) opposed allowing «American taxpayer dollars [to] pay American<br />

lawyers to help a foreign corporation fight American state laws in court.» Id. Congressman<br />

Bonior (Michigan) added, «The question ... is very clear: Should the rights of an investor<br />

come before the rights to enact a chemical ban to prevent cancer?» Id. Observers will note,<br />

of course, that NAFTA prohibits discrimination, not the right to ban carcinogens. The<br />

essence of the concern would seem to be that arbitrators hearing antidiscrimination claims<br />

might strike down otherwise valid health regulations.<br />

103<br />

Letter from Max Baucus, Senate Finance Committee Chairman, to Robert Zoellick, U.S.<br />

Trade Representative (Mar. 26, 2002), reprinted in Baucus Welcomes Options Administration<br />

Is Considering on Investor-State Disputes, 19 Int’l Trade Rep. (BNA) (Mar. 28, 2002)<br />

at 529 [hereinafter Baucus].<br />

104<br />

A similar screening mechanism already exists with respect to expropriation claims that<br />

implicate tax measures. See NAFTA, supra note 1, art. 2103(6), 32 I.L.M. at 700 (discussed<br />

infra at notes 128-33 and accompanying text).<br />

105<br />

On March 28, 2002 the Senate Finance Committee’s ranking Republican Charles Grassley<br />

urged Trade Representative Zoellick to reject such screening. See Grassley Urges Zoellick<br />

to Reject Government Screening for Investor Suits, Int’l Trade Daily, Apr. 1, 2002,<br />

http://www.bna.com. Industry groups, including the National Association of Manufacturers,<br />

have also expressed concern for the preservation of investor protections for American-owned<br />

businesses abroad. See Baucus, supra note 103, at 529; see also In Partisan<br />

Markup, House Ways and Means Approves TPA Legislation, Int’l Trade Rep. (BNA) (Oct.<br />

11, 2001) at 1586 (discussing H.R. 3005, the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Authority Act of<br />

2001).<br />

LIMA ARBITRATION. N° 1 - 2006 41

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