Økonomisk Kriminalitet Nordiske Perspektiver - Scandinavian ...
Økonomisk Kriminalitet Nordiske Perspektiver - Scandinavian ...
Økonomisk Kriminalitet Nordiske Perspektiver - Scandinavian ...
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go back home to corrupt customs - officers, policemen, fences, businessmen and<br />
customers, in their respective homelands. The contraband alcohol, the stolen<br />
goods and the marihuana have been distributed by teams linked to different<br />
regional and international networks. Illegitimate goods, stolen goods, criminal<br />
specialists and gardeners have crossed the borders. The “brokers” have worked<br />
locally and regionally. None have been just local.<br />
The market perspective:<br />
The demand for illegitimate alcohol is triggered by high taxation, restricted<br />
availability, rationing and strikes in certain periods - and few moral barriers for<br />
buying illegitimate goods. Illegal alcohol has traditionally been “the crime without<br />
victims”. Other criminals have been seen as much worse. The 96 % alcohol, which<br />
was much in demand in the 1990s and imported in industrial quantities, lost<br />
indeed its nimbus and attractiveness after being mixed with methanol in 2002, but<br />
not illegitimate alcohol as such. Hashish and marihuana have always been<br />
forbidden in Norway, but the demand has been increasing. It is still a small<br />
market, but promising. The smokers are more spread across class and culture than<br />
in the founding days of the hippies. Even bikers enjoy a joint. The demand for<br />
stolen goods in Eastern Europe seems endless. Norway is a rich country, open and<br />
with a high degree of trust. “Big Brother” in police uniform is not that big. The<br />
prisons are nice places to stay for a while, relatively speaking. The illegitimate<br />
markets are served by professionals, part timers, seasonal workers, amateurs,<br />
persons who are in charge, men who work for themselves, partners who work in<br />
teams, and underpaid day workers who work for someone else. Division of labour<br />
and class differences are as typical for illegitimate business as the legitimate.<br />
(Ruggierio 1996.) Who are the organized criminals, then? Who cares as long as<br />
they contribute, and the market works.<br />
The historical perspective:<br />
Adjustable illegitimate alcohol markets, all the way back to the Prohibition, make<br />
up an important chapter in Norwegian crime history. The police and the customs<br />
have won some fights, but not the war. Traditions, legends, subculture, networks<br />
and veterans may be self-fulfilling, but the tradition for illegitimate alcohol in<br />
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