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SOU OBÉ ĚJINY - Ústav pro soudobé dějiny AV - Akademie věd ČR

SOU OBÉ ĚJINY - Ústav pro soudobé dějiny AV - Akademie věd ČR

SOU OBÉ ĚJINY - Ústav pro soudobé dějiny AV - Akademie věd ČR

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522 Soudobé dějiny XVI / 2–3<br />

the weighing of guilt, the <strong>pro</strong>blematization of the categories of culprit and victim,<br />

or reflections on one’s own responsibility.<br />

The Pasts That Divide: The Czechoslovak<br />

Social Democratic Party, 1989–92<br />

Tomáš Zahradníček<br />

In the mid-1990s the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party (Československá strana<br />

sociálnědemokratická), next to the Civic Democratic Party, became the strongest<br />

political force in the country. This article is concerned with the question of why it was<br />

unable after the Changes of November and December 1989 to influence the Czech<br />

public and become involved in the political debates about the Communist past. The<br />

author considers who actually were the first actors in Social Democratic politics, and<br />

stresses the role played by the most important initial differences between them in<br />

their attitudes towards tradition and certain personal lives before November 1989.<br />

According to these differences, the author divides the Social Democrats into three<br />

main groups: the ‘restitution group’, the ‘continuity group’, and the ‘new group’.<br />

The numerically largest group, the ‘restitution group’ (led by Slavomír Klaban,<br />

born in 1922), attempted to restore the Social Democratic Party after the fortyyear<br />

break in its activity. In doing so, this group based itself on the bitter memory<br />

of the <strong>pro</strong>-Communist faction’s having taken control of the party in 1948, and on<br />

the repressive measures that followed. The ‘continuity group’, comprising exile<br />

Social Democrats (led by Karel Hrubý, born 1923, and Jiří Loewy, 1930–2004) and<br />

‘independent Socialists’ who had signed Charter 77 (led by Rudolf Battěk, born<br />

1924, and Jaroslav Mezník, 1928–2008) had the experience of many years of active<br />

resistance to the Communist régime. Apart from them, new activists, who previously<br />

had practically nothing in common with the party, joined the Social Democrats after<br />

the fall of the ‘ancien régime’. Amongst them were former Communists, some of<br />

whom were active in the Obroda reform club. These fundamental starting points<br />

ran up against the actual position of the Social Democrats after the Changes of late<br />

1989. This position was determined by several external factors: the Civic Forum did<br />

not wish to see political parties develop, the public quickly and for the long-term<br />

abandoned the slogans of Socialism (even if reformed), and the Communist Party<br />

was able to survive in the new circumstances and sought to represent not just its<br />

traditional members, but all left-wing voters. This situation required political action<br />

from the Social Democrats in the space between the Civic Forum and the Communist<br />

Party of Bohemia and Moravia, for which the nascent party was ill prepared. The first<br />

elected leadership under the former exile Social Democrat functionary Jiří Horák<br />

(1924–2003) had a weak position and many other figures of authority, from diverse<br />

political milieux, struggled for preeminence, seeking to use the Social Democratic<br />

name to assert their own views. But in fact any topic that was related to the past<br />

divided them. That changed after the election of Miloš Zeman (born 1944) as head of

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