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(27) *[ A vendégek-nek ]NP azt súgták, hogy Dávid the guest.3PL-DAT that whisper.3PL.PAST that David ismeri [ __ a [fel-é-t]N ]NP know.3SG.PRES the half-3SG.POSS-ACC ‘Of the guests, they whispered that David knows half.’ (28) *[ A vendégek közül]PP azt súgták, hogy Dávid the guest.3PL from among that whisper.3PL.PAST that David ismer [ [kettő-t]N __ ]NP know.3SG.PRES two-ACC ‘Of the guests, they whispered that David knows two.’ (29) *[A tortá-ból] NP azt súgták, hogy Dávid [ [két szelet-et]NP __ ] NP the cake.3SG-ELAT that whisper.3PL.PAST that David two pieces-ACC fogyasztott el. eat.3SG.PAST up ‘Of the cake, they whispered that David ate up two pieces.” Bridge verbs in Hungarian are similar to those found in other languages. The group of bridgeverbs includes (i) modal predicates taking a subject or object clause akar ‘want’, szeretne ‘would like’, kell ‘need’, szabad ‘may’, lehet ‘is possible’, nyilvánvaló ‘is obvious’, valószínű ‘is likely’, etc.; (ii) verbs of saying and verbs denoting mental activities, such as mond ‘say’, ígér ‘promise’, állít ‘claim’, gondol ‘think’, hisz ‘believe’, etc. (É.Kiss 2002: 253). The Hungarian data has illustrated that long-distance dependencies of split partitive noun phrases are subject to at least two basic constraints, the Sentential Adjunct Constraint and the constraint imposed by non-bridge verbs: tensed and non-tensed sentential adjuncts and clausal complements which are not governed by bridge verbs clearly block extraction of constituents of partitive noun phrases. 4. The structure of the Hungarian pre-verbal periphery Long-distance dependencies involve displacing a constituent from within a governable or nongovernable grammatical function to a sentence-initial position associated with a particular discourse function. In Hungarian, different discourse functions are associated with different preverbal phrase structure positions. Constituents of split partitive noun phrases have to obey these syntactic restrictions. 104
Unlike post-verbal constituent order, the order of pre-verbal constituents is fixed. The immediate verb-adjacent position is reserved for FOCUSED constituents only. 10 When other constituents occur pre-verbally, they are placed to the left of this verb-adjacent position. TOPICS occur initially and they are considered to be outside the predicate, since they cannot receive stronger stress than the first element of the predicate. 11 A set of items receives stronger stress than the predicate, and therefore, must be considered internal to the predicate. In transformational theory such items are placed in QP, which occurs between a postulated topic and focus phrase. 12 The tree in (30) illustrates the basic structure of the Hungarian clause: IP is used as the category label for the sentence and VP for the predicate; the verb V, is followed by one or more arguments or modifying adjuncts, and preceded by a number of hierarchically ordered discourse-marked constituents: (30) GB analysis (É.Kiss 1994) IP TOP VP QP VP FOC V’ V XP* In LFG the c-structure of the Hungarian sentence can avoid any confusion between category and function: it can contain solely phrasal categories, such as NP, PP, etc. The grammatical function of these phrasal constituents is expressed in the f-structure. The discourse functions TOPIC and FOCUS are standard LFG discourse functions. QP is, however, a category rather than a function. 10 Focus can be either lexical (inherent) or structural in Hungarian. The focus position can be filled by the following inherent focus items: (i) interrogative phrases (ki ‘who’, mi ‘what’); (ii) positive and negative focus phrases (e.g. inherent focus phrases such as kevés ‘few’ or sok ‘much’, phrases modified by the adverb csak ‘only’ or nemcsak ‘not only’); (iii) negative phrases (for instance, inherently negative quantifiers such as kevés ‘few, little’, inherenty negative adverbs such as ritkán ‘seldom’ and rosszul ‘badly’, negated universal quantifiers nem mindenki ‘not everybody’, or negative concord items senki ‘no one/nobody’ and semmi ‘nothing/anything’. 11 Any arguments of the verb can be topicalized, as well as modifiers, adverbials, and predicates. 12 The predicate-initial position between topic and focus is obligatorily reserved for the following items: (i) positive universal quantifiers mindenki ‘everyone’, minden ‘everything’, mindig ‘always’, phrases containing determiners minden ‘every’, mindegyik ‘each’, mindkét ‘both’, összes ‘all’, legtöbb ‘most’ (ii) phrases containing additive particles such as is ‘also’, még .... is ‘even/also’ or certain adverbials of frequency, degree and manner, such as állandóan ‘constantly’, rettentően ‘terribly’, gyorsan ‘quickly’. (iii) 105
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
Page 57 and 58: Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
Page 59 and 60: (20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
Page 61 and 62: CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
Page 63 and 64: ‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
Page 65 and 66: ‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
Page 67 and 68: The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
Page 69 and 70: Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
Page 71 and 72: 31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
Page 73 and 74: A functional PP must contain a head
Page 75 and 76: appear): A less well known example
Page 77 and 78: appear on the non-recursive side of
Page 79 and 80: Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
Page 81 and 82: Abstract The development of large c
Page 83 and 84: subj : spec : det : pred : the head
Page 85 and 86: could annotate the CFG rules extrac
Page 87 and 88: strings in the WSJ section of the P
Page 89 and 90: Annotation coverage is measured in
Page 91 and 92: Our grammars are extracted from sec
Page 93 and 94: Penn-II training set is discarded f
Page 95 and 96: grammatical functions are more akin
Page 97 and 98: forms to semi-automatically develop
Page 99 and 100: Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
Page 101 and 102: Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
Page 103 and 104: possessive partitives in (7) and (8
Page 105 and 106: Extraction of constituents of dativ
Page 107: iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
Page 111 and 112: uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
Page 113 and 114: accounts for genitive possessor nou
Page 115 and 116: (38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
Page 117 and 118: The rule in (41) shows that the top
Page 119 and 120: Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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Page 123 and 124: ��
Page 125 and 126: ��
Page 127 and 128: ��
Page 129 and 130: ��
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Page 135 and 136: GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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Page 139 and 140: levels of representations required
Page 141 and 142: sentence starts with a verb we let
Page 143 and 144: adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
Page 145 and 146: 4. Parsing Strategies and P
Page 147 and 148: qualified. The following list of pr
Page 149 and 150: structure rules, after the head has
Page 151 and 152: subordinators, and to arguments of
Page 153 and 154: Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
Page 155 and 156: SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
Page 157 and 158: Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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