Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conference National Technical - CSLI ...

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The strict association of Serbian clitics with second position, no matter where that is in phrase structure terms, and their lack of an apparent syntactic relationship with any element such as the main verb, together point to the conclusion that they are syntactically opaque. Hence, in the remainder of this paper, I consider phrasal affixation, as described in Anderson (1992) and outlined in (19) and (20), to be a more appropriate representation for Serbian clitics. (19) (a) The clitic is located within some syntactic constituent (S vs. VP vs. NP, etc.) which constitutes its domain. (b) The clitic is located by reference to the {first vs. last vs. head} element of a specified sort within the constituent in which it appears. (c) The clitic {precedes vs. follows} this reference point. (20) (a) The affix is located in the scope of some constituent which constitutes its domain. This may be either a morphological constituent (the word-structural head vs. entire word) or a prosodic one (prosodic word). (b) The affix is located by reference to the {first vs. last vs. main stressed} element of a given type within the constituent in which it appears. (c) The affix {precedes vs. follows} the reference point. Given syntactic opacity and phrasal affixation, I treat Serbian clitics, not as syntactic terminals, but as affixes and hence the sequence prosodic host + clitic as a single syntactic entity. In the next section I propose how this approach can be implemented within LFG. 3. A Constructive Morphology Approach Constructive Morphology (Nordlinger 1998), a sub-theory of LFG, represents how case morphemes can contribute grammatical function information to f-structure. It has been especially successfully applied to non-configurational dependent marking languages such as Wambaya and a number of other Australian languages. Constructive Morphology works through two mechanisms: ‘inside out’ function application and morphological composition. These are dealt with in turn. The designator (SUBJ↑) in the lexical entry for the Serbian feminine singular nominative suffix in (21) is an example of an inside out designator. The assignment of such designators to a case morpheme associates the element to which that morpheme is affixed with the relevant grammatical relation, in this case subject. (21) -a: (SUBJ↑) (↑CASE) = NOM (↑NUM) = SG (SUBJ↑) denotes the higher f-structure containing the SUBJ attribute, i.e. f' in (22). (22) f'[SUBJ f[ ]] In other words, the inside out designator allows the affix to build the f-structure in (22). This, in effect, is a type of shorthand encompassing the fact that the affix -a carries the information that there is an fstructure, f' in this case, and that f-structure contains a subject attribute. 322
The Principle of Morphological Composition in (23) (Nordlinger 1998: 102) allows for the sequential contribution of affixal information. The affix may contain an inside out designator as is the case in some of Nordlinger’s work on Australian languages. The Serbian case morphemes to be dealt with in this section are followed by clitics or phrasal affixes (AFFXP) which, for present purposes, can be considered not to contain inside out designators. 5 (23) Stem AFF ⇒ Stem AFF (GF n ↑) (↑x) (GF n ↑) ((GF n ↑) x) (where x represents a sequence of attributes) Applied to Serbian host-clitic sequences, the host/stem’s inside out designator, (SUBJ↑) in (24), is inserted for ↑ in the clitic’s lexical entry (24) X-a AFFXP ⇒ Stem AFFXP (SUBJ↑) (↑PRED) (SUBJ↑) ((SUBJ↑)PRED) (↑…) ((SUBJ↑)…) This has the consequence that the f-structure containing the SUBJ attribute also has the PRED feature and other features associated with AFFXP. In the remainder of this section morphological composition is applied to sequences in Serbian which contain a subject NP hosting a pronominal clitic (section 3.1), an auxiliary clitic (section 3.2), and a clitic cluster (section 3.3). Other patterns are dealt with in sections 3.4 and 3.5. 3.1 Serbian Auxiliary Clitics Consider example (4a), repeated as (25) below. (25) Devojk-a je oborila drv-o. girl-NOM AUX.3.SG.PRES chop.PPT.F.SG tree-ACC ‘The girl chopped the tree.’ In the following I illustrate how Constructive Morphology works for the host-clitic sequence devojk-a je. As stated at the end of section 2 I treat this sequence as a single syntactic entity which is associated with the lexical information in (26). (26) (a) devojk-: N (↑PRED) = ‘girl’ (↑GEND) = F (↑PERS) = 3 (b) -a: AFFN (SUBJ↑) (↑CASE) = NOM (↑NUM) = SG (c) je: AFFXP (↑TENSE) = PAST (↑SUBJ PERS) = 3 (↑SUBJ NUM) = SG 5 See section 3.4 for a modification whereby clitics have an associated optional inside out designator. 323
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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Page 277 and 278: Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
Page 279 and 280: 0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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Page 283 and 284: This property of raising to object
Page 285 and 286: (32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
Page 287 and 288: (45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
Page 289 and 290: (57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 299 and 300: No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
Page 301 and 302: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 303 and 304: epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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Page 341 and 342: Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
Page 349 and 350: 6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
Page 351 and 352: Lets us consider the binding condit
Page 353 and 354: claims that subject extraction is n
Page 355 and 356: ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
Page 357 and 358: [Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
Page 359 and 360: . Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
Page 361 and 362: In (4a), the object of the simple d
Page 363 and 364: 3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
Page 365 and 366: . Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
Page 367 and 368: Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
Page 369 and 370: The asymmetries of double accusativ
Page 371 and 372: Abstract The paper describes a pres
Page 373 and 374: construction - in good style. • I
Page 375 and 376: Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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