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(10) a. Kipese ka-swiim-in kit zoon. Kihung’an Kipese SM-buy-PST chair yesterday ‘Kipese bought a chair yesterday.’ b. Kipese ka-ki-swiim-in kit zoon. Kipese SM-OM-buy-PST chair yesterday ‘Kipese bought the chair yesterday.’ Conflicting Data in Swahili KiSwahili presents conflicting data with respect to definiteness. Bresnan and Mchombo (1987:760) note that KiSwahili shows sensitivity to definiteness in addition to the effects of animacy: an indefinite object does not require the OM while a definite object does. For example in (11a) there is no OM, and the object NP has the indefinite reading. As shown in (11b) the presence of an OM induces the definite reading of the co-occurring (clause-internal) object NP, displaying the same pattern as Kihung’an (cf. (10)). Additional Swahili data showing that the presence of the OM induces the definite reading of the object NP are also found, for example, in Vitale (1981) and more recently in Zwart (1997). (11) a. U-me-let-a kitabu? Swahili you-PERF-bought-INDIC book ‘Have you bought a book?’ indefinite reading b. U-me-ki-let-a kitabu? you-PERF-OM-bought-INDIC book ‘Have you bought the book definite reading On the other hand, Wald (1979) cites examples that contain indefinite objects co-occurring with the agreeing OM (discussed in Nicolle 2000:682). (12) a. a-ka-m-kuta mzee mwingine ndugu wa yule. Swahili SM-ASP-OM-meet old.person other sibling of that.one ‘then she met another old lady, sister of the first one.’ b. si-ja-ki-ona chochote. SM-NEG-OM-see anything ‘I haven’t seen anything.’ In (12a), the object NP another old lady is indefinite specific; in (12b) the object NP anything is indefinite non-specific. These definiteness values are the second lowest and the lowest elements in the definiteness hierarchy respectively. Seidl and Dimitriadis (1997, hereafter S&D) argue that variable object marking observed in Swahili is conditioned by the information status of the object—in the sense of Prince (1992), 2 rather than definiteness or animacy. According to their findings, object markers coreferential with animate objects 2 In their study, Seidl and Dimitriadis (1997) adopt the following cross-classification of discourse referents proposed by Prince (1992): 298
epresent 72% of the total of 312 sentences, and those coreferential with inanimates represent 12% (see Table 4 of Seidl and Dimitriadis 1997). When classified according to their hearer status, hearer-new objects are rarely (only 5%) pronominalized or doubly marked by agreement (see tables 5 of S&D, p.379). Based on these figures, S&D conclude that hearer status is a more significant than animacy status. While S&D’s findings highlight the importance of information status in the grammar of Swahili—a notion that has been found to figure prominently in Bantu grammar (cf. Morimoto 2000), one crucial element is missing in their picture of object marking—namely, the functional distinction between the bound pronominal object and object agreement. They state that the difference between ‘object agreement’ and ‘object pronouns’ is only “terminological”, and not a morphological (formal) one. Indeed, as Bresnan and Mchombo (1987) point out, the crucial distinction between the two is not a formal one but a functional one: a topic-anaphoric pronoun and object agreement are one and the same morphological category (= affix) with two distinct morphosyntactic functions. That there need not be one-to-one correspondence between form and meaning is captured straightforwardly by LFG’s parallel architecture, for the categorial information and morphosyntactic content of linguistic elements are represented independently of each other, and are only related through corresponding principles. Thus, based on an analysis which conflates topic-anaphoric and grammatical agreement, it is difficult to assess just how significant information status is in predicting the presence/absence of object agreement. On the other hand, these data are perhaps not enough to conclude that Swahili object marking is sensitive to the definiteness hierarchy in the same way as, for example, Kihung’an is. Note that it is possible to account for these data by reference to animacy. For example in (12a), the object NP another old lady is human, and co-occurs with the OM; the object NPs in (11a,b) and (12b) are inanimates and, as we see, they appear with or without the corresponding OM. We might then conclude that these data can be attributed to the animacy effects: the OM co-occurs with the object NP when the object is human, but is optional when the object is inanimate. We already saw earlier in (6) that with inanimates, the OM is optional. Optionality of object marking with lower elements on a prominence hierarchy is in fact quite commonly observed. In a study of a Bantu language Chi-Mwi:ni, which is closely related to Swahili and displays the same agreement pattern for objects, Kisseberth and Abasheikh (1977:182, fn.3) also note that although the language permits object marking for both animate and inanimate objects, the OM is not commonly used for inanimates. Now it is possible that effects of both animacy and definiteness collectively determine the presence/absence of Swahili object marking. But until more data becomes available, I will assume that Swahili object marking can be explained solely in terms of animacy. It is nonetheless important to note that when the OM is optionally present, there is a strong preference for the definiteness reading of the object NP; the question of how this is brought about in the synchronic grammar of Swahili is worth considering (discussed in section 3). To summarize, based the core data presented in this section, we can draw the following generalizations: (i) Bantu object marking is conditioned by animacy and definiteness, just as in DOM in case (i) Information statuses (Prince 1992) Discourse-new Discourse-old Hearer-new Brand-New — Hearer-old Unused Evoked Hearer-new information includes newly mentioned discourse entity as well as entities not mentioned by can be inferred from the discourse. Hearer-old information includes discourse entities that are newly introduced but already familiar to the hearer (e.g. President of the United States) and those that have already been evoked in previous discourse. 299
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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Page 251 and 252: LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
Page 263 and 264: 1. Introduction In this paper I wil
Page 265 and 266: This strategy has been outlined by
Page 267 and 268: The essence of the new approach is
Page 269 and 270: 3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
Page 271 and 272: complements of the postposition ut
Page 273 and 274: offered a more detailed discussion,
Page 275 and 276: lexical form which argument of this
Page 277 and 278: Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
Page 279 and 280: 0. Abstract This paper attempts to
Page 281 and 282: 'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
Page 283 and 284: This property of raising to object
Page 285 and 286: (32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
Page 287 and 288: (45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
Page 289 and 290: (57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
Page 291 and 292: Second argument: The preposition do
Page 293 and 294: In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296: Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298: Abstract Majority of Bantu language
Page 299 and 300: No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
Page 301: (7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
Page 305 and 306: We can characterize more concretely
Page 307 and 308: (19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
Page 309 and 310: 4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
Page 311 and 312: (30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314: topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316: the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318: Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320: CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
Page 321 and 322: (2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324: (7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326: (14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
Page 327 and 328: The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330: 3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
Page 331 and 332: Example (35) has the c-structure in
Page 333 and 334: (43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
Page 335 and 336: (52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
Page 337 and 338: Case Marking and Subject Extraction
Page 339 and 340: objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
Page 341 and 342: Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
Page 343 and 344: (20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
Page 345 and 346: (28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
Page 347 and 348: One disadvantage of this approach i
Page 349 and 350: 6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
Page 351 and 352: Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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