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Gazdar, Gerald (1980). A cross-categorial semantics for coordination. Linguistics and Philosophy, 3, 407–410. Gazdar, Gerald (1981). Unbounded dependencies and coordinate structure. Linguistic Inquiry, 12, 155–184. Gazdar, Gerald (1982). Phrase structure grammar. In Pauline Jacobson and Geoffrey K. Pullum (eds.), The nature of syntactic representation, vol. 15 of Synthese Language Library, (pp. 131–186). Dordrecht: Reidel. Gazdar, Gerald, Ewan Klein, Geoffrey K. Pullum, and Ivan A. Sag (1985). Generalized phrase structure grammar. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Girard, Jean-Yves (1987). Linear logic. Theoretical Computer Science, 50, 1–102. Girard, Jean-Yves, Paul Taylor, and Yves Lafont (1989). Proofs and types. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grosu, Alexander (1972). The strategic content of island constraints. Ph.D. thesis, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH. Reprinted as Working Papers in Linguistics no. 13, OSU. Grosu, Alexander (1973). On the nonunitary nature of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. Linguistic Inquiry, 4, 88–92. Howard, William A. (1980). The formulae-as-types notion of construction. In Jonathan P. Seldin and J. Roger Hindley (eds.), To H.B. Curry: Essays on combinatory logic, lambda calculus and formalism, (pp. 479–490). London: Academic press. Often cited as Howard (1969). Hudson, Richard (1976). Conjunction reduction, gapping, and right-node raising. Language, 52, 535– 562. Kaplan, Ronald M., and John T. Maxwell, III (1988). Constituent coordination in Lexical-Functional Grammar. In Proceedings of COLING-88, vol. 1, Budapest. Reprinted in Dalrymple et al. (1995:199– 214). Keenan, Edward L., and Leonard M. Faltz (1985). Boolean semantics for natural language. Dordrecht: Reidel. Kehler, Andrew (2002). Coherence, reference, and the theory of grammar. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Kehler, Andrew, Mary Dalrymple, John Lamping, and Vijay Saraswat (1995). The semantics of resource-sharing in Lexical-Functional Grammar. In Proceedings of the 1995 meeting of the European Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics, Dublin, Ireland. Kehler, Andrew, Mary Dalrymple, John Lamping, and Vijay Saraswat (1999). Resource sharing in glue language semantics. In Dalrymple (1999), (pp. 191–208). Maxwell, John T., III, and Christopher D. Manning (1996). A theory of non-constituent coordination based on finite-state rules. In Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (eds.), Proceedings of the LFG96 conference, Stanford, CA. CSLI Publications. Montague, Richard (1970). English as a formal language. In Bruno Visentini et al. (eds.), Linguaggi nella societá e nella tecnica, (pp. 189–224). Milan: Edizioni di Communità. Reprinted in Montague (1974:188–221). Montague, Richard (1973). The proper treatment of quantification in ordinary English. In Jakko Hintikka, Julian Moravcsik, and Patrick Suppes (eds.), Approaches to language, (pp. 221–242). Dordrecht: D. Reidel. Reprinted in Montague (1974:247–270). 38
Montague, Richard (1974). Formal philosophy: Selected papers of Richard Montague. New Haven: Yale University Press. Edited and with an introduction by Richmond H. Thomason. Morrill, Glyn (1994). Type Logical Grammar. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Partee, Barbara (1970). Negation, conjunction, and quantifiers: Syntax vs. semantics. Foundations of Language, 6, 153–165. Partee, Barbara, and Mats Rooth (1983). Generalized conjunction and type ambiguity. In Rainer Bäuerle, Christoph Schwarze, and Arnim von Stechow (eds.), Meaning, use, and interpretation of language. Berlin: Walter De Gruyter. Prawitz, Dag (1965). Natural deduction: A proof-theoretical study. Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell. Ross, John R. (1967). Constraints on variables in syntax. Ph.D. thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Steedman, Mark (1985). Dependency and coordination in the grammar of Dutch and English. Language, 61, 523–568. Steedman, Mark (1989). Constituency and coordination in a combinatory grammar. In Mark Baltin and Anthony Kroch (eds.), Alternative conceptions of phrase structure, (pp. 201–231). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Steedman, Mark (1990). Gapping as constituent coordination. Linguistics and Philosophy, 13, 207–263. Steedman, Mark (2000). The syntactic process. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. van Genabith, Josef, and Richard Crouch (1999). How to glue a donkey to an f-structure. In Harry Bunt and Reinhard Muskens (eds.), Computing meaning, vol. 1. Dordrecht: Kluwer. 39
Page 1 and 2: Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
Page 5 and 6: The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
Page 7 and 8: 2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
Page 9 and 10: (10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
Page 11 and 12: (18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
Page 13 and 14: 1-3, unless problematic assumptions
Page 15 and 16: (4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
Page 17 and 18: The adjunction rule (36) does not b
Page 19 and 20: (8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
Page 21 and 22: work on non-projecting categories a
Page 23 and 24: Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
Page 25 and 26: Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
Page 27 and 28: (8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
Page 29 and 30: us add the following additional con
Page 31 and 32: 3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
Page 33 and 34: approach also achieves correct resu
Page 35 and 36: In summary, to show that two deriva
Page 37 and 38: Extraction possible from initial (p
Page 39 and 40: 5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
Page 41: Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
Page 45 and 46: Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
Page 47 and 48: (3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
Page 49 and 50: Figure 4. Schematic representation
Page 51 and 52: the medicine is applied. If overtly
Page 53 and 54: The control equation in (13) establ
Page 55 and 56: intervening object and thus ‘kept
Page 57 and 58: Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
Page 59 and 60: (20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
Page 61 and 62: CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
Page 63 and 64: ‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
Page 65 and 66: ‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
Page 67 and 68: The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
Page 69 and 70: Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
Page 71 and 72: 31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
Page 73 and 74: A functional PP must contain a head
Page 75 and 76: appear): A less well known example
Page 77 and 78: appear on the non-recursive side of
Page 79 and 80: Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
Page 81 and 82: Abstract The development of large c
Page 83 and 84: subj : spec : det : pred : the head
Page 85 and 86: could annotate the CFG rules extrac
Page 87 and 88: strings in the WSJ section of the P
Page 89 and 90: Annotation coverage is measured in
Page 91 and 92: Our grammars are extracted from sec
Page 93 and 94:
Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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��
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GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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vital aid in the actual development
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levels of representations required
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sentence starts with a verb we let
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adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
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4. Parsing Strategies and P
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qualified. The following list of pr
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structure rules, after the head has
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subordinators, and to arguments of
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Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
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SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
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Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
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1. Introduction Since the beginning
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. ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
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(12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
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(17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
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have resumptive pronouns. Under the
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way to license the same f-structure
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(33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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licensed in the normal way by funct
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description of the situation. Borer
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http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
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A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
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A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
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(9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
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Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
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4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and
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(25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
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In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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first and second conjunct are disti
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In the Glue Semantics approach (see
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In the optimality-based model, mism
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complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
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BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
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Bulgarian word order and the role o
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1 Introduction This paper deals wit
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(4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
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That is, in example (6) the partici
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(22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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state denoted by the adjective appe
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in Modern Greek bears the intrinsic
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
Page 247 and 248:
Page 249 and 250:
Page 251 and 252:
Page 253 and 254:
Page 255 and 256:
Page 257 and 258:
Page 259 and 260:
Page 261 and 262:
Page 263 and 264:
1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
Page 295 and 296:
Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
Page 297 and 298:
Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
Page 313 and 314:
topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
Page 315 and 316:
the present analysis highlights the
Page 317 and 318:
Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
Page 319 and 320:
CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
Page 323 and 324:
(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
Page 325 and 326:
(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
Page 329 and 330:
3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
Page 341 and 342:
Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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��
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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