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Asymmetric verb-last/verb-first (VL/VF) coordination constructions Coordinations of verb-last/verb-first sentences were first brought to attention by Wunderlich (1988, p.312). Coordination of these clause types is only supported in the order order VL/VF (cf. (18.b)). (18) a. [CP Wenn Du in ein Kaufhaus kommst] und [CP (Du) hast kein Geld], if you into a shop come and you have no money, ‘If you enter a shop and (you) don’t have any money, b. * [CP In ein Kaufhaus kommst Du und [CP wenn (Du) kein Geld hast], into a shop come you and if you no money have, ‘A shop you enter and if (you) don’t have any money, kannst Du nichts kaufen. can you nothing buy you can’t buy anything’ Asymmetric VL/VF coordinations are closely related to SGF constructions: the subject of the right conjunct can be omitted, in which case we find a similar accessibility paradox, since the subject within the first conjunct cannot be distributed to the second conjunct (19.a). A gap in the second conjunct is only licensed for subjects (19.b), and as for SGF coordination, we cannot have multiple gaps (19.c). Finally, similar to SGF coordinations, the second conjunct’s SpecCP position cannot be filled by a non-subject constituent (19.d). (19) a. [CP Wenn Du in ein Kaufhaus kommst] und [CP (Du) hast kein Geld], ... if you into a shop come and you have no money, ... ‘If you enter a shop and (you) don’t have any money, ... b. * Wenn Du einen Kundenj hast und Du beleidigst ej / ej beleidigst Du , ... if you a customer have and you offend / offend you, ‘If you have a customer and you offend ,...’ c. * Wenn Dui ein Stückj übst und (Dui) führst ej auf, ... if you a play practice and (you) perform , ‘If you practice a play and (you) perform ,...’ d. * Wenn Du in ein Kaufhaus kommst und kein Geld hast (Du), ... if you into a shop come and no money have (you), ‘If you enter a shop and no money (you) have,...’ In Section 5, we will discuss special semantic and discourse-functional properties of asymmetric coordinations of both types: SGF and VL/VF coordination. This will lead us to a unified account of the functional and word order properties observed for both types of asymmetric coordination. 4 Previous Approaches Before developing our own analysis of asymmetric coordination, we briefly review the two types of approaches that have been explored in previous work: analysis by asymmetrically embedded constituents, and coordination of symmetric conjuncts. 182
4.1 Asymmetric Analyses Heycock and Kroch (1993) proposed an analysis in the P&P model that is similar – at a conceptual level – to the early analyses of Wunderlich (1988) and Höhle (1990). It will be discussed here as representative of the class of analyses that admit coordination of unlike constituents to account for the observed asymmetry of SGF coordinations. The analysis builds on independent assumptions about the phrase structure of verb second (V2) languages like German. V2 is analysed as I-to-C movement. The specifier of CP can be filled by a non-subject phrase, as in (20.a). In subject initial V2 sentences, however, the subject must move from the SpecIP position to SpecCP, leaving behind an empty I projection (20.b). Similar to Haider (1988), the empty I projection and the structurally isomorphic C projection are “folded” into a matching projection of a complex category C/I in (20.c). (20.a) CP gestern C’ C IP gingi der Jäger I’ VP in den Wald ti (b) CP der Jägerj C’ C IP fingi tj I’ VP einen Hasen ti (c) CP/IP der Jäger C’/I’ C/I VP fingi einen Hasen ti Heycock and Kroch’s analysis of SGF coordinations naturally emerges from this matching projection analysis of subject-initial V2 sentences: An SGF coordination – omitting redundant subject phrases der Jäger – can be constructed from (20.a) and (20.c) by coordination of I’ and C’/I’ constituents, which are unlike, but share the categorial features of I. The resulting SGF coordination structure is displayed in (21). (21) CP gestern C’ C IP gingi der Jäger I’ I’ und C’/I’ VP C/I VP in den Wald ti fingl einen Hasen tl Due to low coordination at the level of I’, the shared subject governs both conjuncts, accounting for the main syntactic properties of SGF constructions: the restriction to subject gaps and wide scope of quantified subjects. However, the analysis necessarily involves extraction asymmetries that are otherwise ungrammatical. It is well-known that extraction from coordinated phrases is only possible “across-the-board”. The structure assigned in (21), by contrast, involves head movement out of the first conjunct only. The analysis of (22), with a topicalised argument, clearly violates the ATB extraction constraint and results in a fully evacuated first conjunct. Finally, the analysis needs to explain why a topicalised adjunct does not necessarily take scope over the second conjunct (as discussed by Höhle). (22) In den Waldj gingi der Jäger [[ei ej] und [fing einen Hasen]]. 183
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Proceedings of the LFG 02 Conferenc
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Table of Contents Asudeh, Ash 1-18
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The Syntax of Preverbal Particles a
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2 The Problem: Five Conflicting Cla
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(10) CP C ′ XP CP XP The outermos
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(18) CP C ′ C ∅ IP CP IP I I
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1-3, unless problematic assumptions
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(4c) *After [IP last year [IP she r
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The adjunction rule (36) does not b
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(8c) chun isteacht duit [CP[CP nuai
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work on non-projecting categories a
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Coordination and Parallelism in Glu
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Traditional Linear Duplication a, a
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(8) fred : fe see : fe ⊸ je ⊸ s
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us add the following additional con
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3.2 A General Semantic Schema for C
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approach also achieves correct resu
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In summary, to show that two deriva
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Extraction possible from initial (p
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5.3.2 Across-the-Board Extraction T
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Asudeh, Ash (in progress). Resumpti
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Montague, Richard (1974). Formal ph
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Abstract VP-chaining in Oriya (an I
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(3) haata dho-i bhaata khaa-i mun s
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Figure 4. Schematic representation
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the medicine is applied. If overtly
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The control equation in (13) establ
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intervening object and thus ‘kept
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Lexicon L(1): khi-aa-ga-laa: V L(2)
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(20) VP -> VP V' α � *α SIT-IND
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CONSTRAINT SYMMETRY IN OPTIMALITY T
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‘Juan hit that dog with a stick
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‘With what did Juan hit the dog?
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The unexpectedly bad candidate is (
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Amharic (Semitic, Ethiopia) is a pr
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31) Wïšša-w bä=Daniel bet atäg
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A functional PP must contain a head
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appear): A less well known example
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appear on the non-recursive side of
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Publications. Smith Stark, Thomas.
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Abstract The development of large c
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subj : spec : det : pred : the head
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could annotate the CFG rules extrac
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strings in the WSJ section of the P
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Annotation coverage is measured in
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Our grammars are extracted from sec
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Penn-II training set is discarded f
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grammatical functions are more akin
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forms to semi-automatically develop
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Predicate Argument Structure. In: P
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Abstract PARTITIVE NOUN PHRASES IN
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possessive partitives in (7) and (8
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Extraction of constituents of dativ
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iológiát [[az egyik-en]NP __ ]NP
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Unlike post-verbal constituent orde
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uncertainty. Adopting this idea, I
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accounts for genitive possessor nou
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(38) Hungarian TOPIC/SCOPE/FOCUS pa
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The rule in (41) shows that the top
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Payne, John and Erika Chisarik. (20
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Page 135 and 136: GETARUN PARSER Rodolfo Delmonte Abs
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Page 139 and 140: levels of representations required
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Page 143 and 144: adjunct_cp negat pro=CLI, {Case=acc
Page 145 and 146: 4. Parsing Strategies and P
Page 147 and 148: qualified. The following list of pr
Page 149 and 150: structure rules, after the head has
Page 151 and 152: subordinators, and to arguments of
Page 153 and 154: Hobbs J.R., D.E.Appelt, J.Bear, M.T
Page 155 and 156: SECTION II: ITALIAN TEXTS o La stor
Page 157 and 158: Mario criticava luigi perché ha ro
Page 159 and 160: 1. Introduction Since the beginning
Page 161 and 162: . ⎡FOCUS ⎤ ⎢PRED ‘wonder (
Page 163 and 164: (12) *ng- oingerang a mlarngii a be
Page 165 and 166: (17) a. Hine ha- simla še kaniti.
Page 167 and 168: have resumptive pronouns. Under the
Page 169 and 170: way to license the same f-structure
Page 171 and 172: (33) a. Robin met the man that/who
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Page 175 and 176: description of the situation. Borer
Page 177 and 178: http://cslipublications.stanford.ed
Page 179 and 180: A (Discourse) Functional Analysis o
Page 181 and 182: A multi-factorial LFG analysis of a
Page 183 and 184: (9) CP (↑ SUBJ)= ↓ ↑=↓ NP C
Page 185: Word Order Properties SGF coordinat
Page 189 and 190: (25) (a) S 〈 der Jäger ging in d
Page 191 and 192: In sum, the Subject Functor Lineari
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Page 195 and 196: In the Glue Semantics approach (see
Page 197 and 198: In the optimality-based model, mism
Page 199 and 200: complementiser (COMPL) may be exten
Page 201 and 202: BULGARIAN WORD ORDER AND THE ROLE O
Page 203 and 204: Bulgarian word order and the role o
Page 225 and 226: 1 Introduction This paper deals wit
Page 227 and 228: (4) To nifiko itan raf-to (*apo ton
Page 229 and 230: That is, in example (6) the partici
Page 231 and 232: (22) To spiti fenotan egataleli-men
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In addition, the lexical representa
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In this way, we capture the intuiti
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(57) To fagito ine magire-meno/*mag
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Corpus-based Learning in Stochastic
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LFG02 - Kuhn: Corpus-based Learning
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1. Introduction In this paper I wil
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This strategy has been outlined by
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The essence of the new approach is
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3.2. Control relations in Hungarian
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complements of the postposition ut
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offered a more detailed discussion,
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lexical form which argument of this
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Berkeley. pp. 18. (On-line publicat
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0. Abstract This paper attempts to
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'understand', oppgi 'state', opplev
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This property of raising to object
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(32) ved/fra å svømme by/from to
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(45) *Til å sove ser han ut to (PR
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(57) Å gjøre det er blitt tenkt p
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Second argument: The preposition do
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In Lødrup (2002), I show that most
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Teleman, Ulf, Staffan Hellberg and
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Abstract Majority of Bantu language
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No Object Agreement Bresnan and Mch
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(7) a. N-ä-ï- `m-lyì-á k-èlyá
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epresent 72% of the total of 312 se
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We can characterize more concretely
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(19) Markedness Subhierarchies a. *
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4.1 Hierarchy of Morphological Feat
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(30) Harmonic Alignment of (28) wit
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topic-anaphoricity (as a bound pron
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the present analysis highlights the
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Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. Economy of st
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CLITICS AND PHRASAL AFFIXATION IN C
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(2) (a) ...wedi eu gweld nhw. ASP C
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(7) IP (↑GF) = ↓ ↑ = ↓ NP I
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(14) (a) Jovan je čitao knjigu. Jo
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The Principle of Morphological Comp
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3.2 Serbian Pronominal Clitics A se
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Example (35) has the c-structure in
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(43) (a) čovek-: N (↑PRED) = ‘
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(52) (a) jučer: N (ADJ↑) (↑PRE
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Case Marking and Subject Extraction
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objects occur in VP or in I (“obj
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Coordinated structures (14) Peter o
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(20) Han hadde de trodd e ville kom
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(28) a. * Peter forventer [I’ [I
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One disadvantage of this approach i
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6.2 Case Assignment and Empty Categ
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Lets us consider the binding condit
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claims that subject extraction is n
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ham: N ( (SUBJ £ ) ¡ ((COMP SUBJ
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[Vikner and Schwartz, 1996] Vikner,
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. Mary-ka ttal-lul sakwa-lul mek-I-
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In (4a), the object of the simple d
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3. Morphological Causatives in Kore
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. Mary-ka ttal-pakkey sakwa-ul an m
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Firstly, objects in MC are asymmetr
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The asymmetries of double accusativ
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Abstract The paper describes a pres
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construction - in good style. • I
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Figure 4: Attributed adjectives (
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Aspects of the syntax of psychologi
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Despite the syntactic differences e
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e. (exists independently of the eve
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(10) Poco a poco, me enfadó que pe
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to (3), we can thematically charact
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we can derive the grammatical funct
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‘This book interests him (John).
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unaccusative verb, while interesar
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Roegiest, E. (1999). Objet direct p
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Abstract The aim of this paper is t
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(6) Pierre lui a fait écrire une l
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dative NPs that the examples (4) to
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verb. In some languages, like Engli
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(15) *J’ai convaincu de lui tél
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VP � V + V + (NP) + (PP) (��
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a number of signs (words or phrases
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DAVIS, A. & P.-J. KOENIG (2000) Lin
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1. Introduction Subsumption and Equ
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an XCOMP attribute whose value is t
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(8) a. S|VP Æ NP* (V’) ( S|VP )
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inconsistency with erzählen. But i
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We revise the fronted S|VP expansio
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5. The interaction between PVPF and
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(28) Ein Aussenseiter versuchte hie
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. * Ein Aussenseiter gewonnen haben
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The use of subsumption addresses fu
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TIGER TRANSFER Utilizing LFG Parses
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is an additional way of ensuring co
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"tiger_4548: Hier herrscht Demokrat
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y a multi-set of OT marks, thereby
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sumably they cannot be fixed in pri
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¢¡¤£¦¥¦§©¨�£¦§�¥
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Macros and Templates The system all
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Ambiguous Predicates A simple examp
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HD−OUT TI−FORM herrscht, TI−M
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(ignoring PP-attachment for the eva
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Kameyama, Megumi, Ryo Ochitani, and
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